Karavīru grupa no Bornu

Karavīru grupa no Bornu


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Idris Alooma: Bornu impērijas karavīrs karalis

Šodien es runāšu par Idrisu Aloomu (arī Idrisu Alaomu vai Idrisu Alaumu), vienīgo Bornu karali, kura vārds ir izturējis laika pārbaudi. Šis raksts jau sen ir jāgaida, jo tas koncentrējas uz Bornu un Kanem-Bornu impērijām.

Idris Aloomas valdīšanas laiks piederēja lielajai Sayfawa jeb Sefuwa dinastijai, kas valdīja Bornu impēriju no 16. līdz 17. gadsimtam. Saskaņā ar Diwan al-salatin Bornu , Idris Alaoma bija 54. Sefawa dinastijas karalis un valdīja Kanem-Bornu impēriju, kas atrodas mūsdienu Čadā, Kamerūnā un Nigērijā. Daudzos darbos viņš ir pazīstams ar mātes vārdu Idris Amsami , t.i., Idris, Amsa dēls. Vārds Alooma ir pēcnāves kvalifikācija, kas nosaukta pēc vietas, Alo vai Alao , kur viņš tika apglabāts. Viņš tika kronēts par karali 25–26 gadu vecumā. Saskaņā ar Diwan , viņš valdīja no 1564. līdz 1596. gadam. Viņš nomira kaujas laikā Baguirmi, kur tika nāvējoši ievainots un vēlāk tika apglabāts Alo ezers , uz dienvidiem no faktiskā Maiduguri, tātad nosaukums Alooma .

Kanem-Bu karavīru grupa 1800. gados

Idris bija izcils valstsvīrs, un viņa valdīšanas laikā Kanem-Bornu pieskārās savas varas zenītam. Viņu atceras ar militārajām prasmēm, administratīvajām reformām un islāma dievbijību. Par viņa varoņdarbiem galvenokārt zina viņa hronists Ahmads bin Fartuva. Valdīšanas laikā Idris izvairījās no galvaspilsētas Ngazargamu, dodot priekšroku savas pils iekārtošanai 5 km attālumā, netālu no Jo upe ( Komadugu Yobe ), vietā ar nosaukumu Gambaru . Pilsētas sienas bija sarkanas, kas noveda pie jaunas arhitektūras, izmantojot viņa valdīšanai raksturīgos sarkanos ķieģeļus. Līdz šai dienai Gambaru joprojām pastāv daži sienas gleznojumi, kuru augstums pārsniedz 3 metrus. Tās ir plaukstošas ​​impērijas paliekas. Idris Alooma bija pazīstams ar Kanuri titulu Mai par karali.

Kanem-Bornu tiesa 1700. gados

Viņa galvenie pretinieki bija Hausa rietumos, Tuareg un Toubou ziemeļos, Bulala austrumos un Sao, kuri tika spēcīgi implantēti Bornu reģionā (un tos iznīcinās Aloomas militārās kampaņas). Viens episks dzejolis izceļ viņa uzvaras 330 karos un vairāk nekā 1000 cīņās. Viņa jauninājumi ietvēra fiksētu militāro nometņu izmantošanu ar sienām, pastāvīgas aplenkumus un apdegušas zemes taktiku, kur karavīri sadedzināja visu, kas bija viņu ceļā, bruņu zirgus un jātniekus, kā arī berberu kamieļu, Kotoko laivinieku un osmaņu apmācītu musketieru izmantošanu. militārie padomnieki. Viņa aktīvā diplomātija parādīja attiecības ar Tripoli, Ēģipti un Osmaņu impēriju, kas nosūtīja 200 cilvēku vēstnieku partiju pāri tuksnesim uz Aloomas tiesu Ngazargamu. Alooma arī parakstīja, iespējams, pirmo rakstisko līgumu vai pamieru Čadas vēsturē.

Alooma ieviesa vairākas juridiskas un administratīvas reformas, kuru pamatā bija viņa reliģiskie uzskati un islāma likumi. Viņš sponsorēja daudzu mošeju celtniecību un devās svētceļojumā uz Meku, kur noorganizēja hosteļa izveidi, ko varētu izmantot savas impērijas svētceļnieki. Tāpat kā citi dinamiski politiķi, Aloomas reformatoru mērķi lika viņam meklēt lojālus un kompetentus padomniekus un sabiedrotos, un viņš bieži paļāvās uz einuhiem un vergiem, kuri bija izglītoti dižciltīgās mājās. Alooma regulāri lūdza padomu padomei, kurā bija svarīgāko klanu vadītāji. Viņam vajadzēja, lai galmā dzīvotu nozīmīgas politiskas personas, un viņš nostiprināja politiskās alianses, noslēdzot atbilstošas ​​laulības (Alooma pats bija Kanuri tēva un Bulalas mātes dēls).

Kanem un Kanem-Bornu impēriju karte

Kanēms-Bornu Aloomas vadībā bija spēcīgs un bagāts. Valdības ieņēmumi tika iegūti no nodevas (vai laupīšanas, ja bija jāiekaro nepiekāpīgie cilvēki), kā arī no pienākumiem un dalības tirdzniecībā. Viņa valstība bija viena no ērtākajiem maršrutiem pāri Sahāras tuksnesim. Uz ziemeļiem tika nosūtīti daudzi produkti, tostarp natrons (nātrija karbonāts), kokvilna, kolas rieksti, ziloņkauls, strausu spalvas, smaržas, vasks un jēlādas, bet visrentablākā tirdzniecība bija vergi. Imports ietvēra sāli, zirgus, zīdu, stiklu, musketes un varu.


Teritorijā, kas tagad pazīstama kā Čada, ir dažas no bagātākajām arheoloģiskajām vietām Āfrikā. [2] Mišels Brunets atrada hominīdu galvaskausu, kas ir vairāk nekā 7 miljonus gadu vecs, vecākais, kas atklāts jebkur pasaulē un kam dots nosaukums Sahelanthropus tchadensis. 1996. gadā Mišels Brunets bija atklājis hominīdu žokli, kuru nosauca par Australopithecus bahrelghazali un neoficiāli nodēvēts par Ābelu. Tas tika datēts, izmantojot uz berilija balstītu radiometrisko iepazīšanos kā dzīvo. Pirms 3,6 miljoniem gadu.

7. tūkstošgadē pirms mūsu ēras Čadas ziemeļu puse bija daļa no plašas zemes platības, kas stiepās no Indas upes austrumos līdz Atlantijas okeānam rietumos, kur ekoloģiskie apstākļi deva priekšroku agrīnai cilvēku apmetnei. "Apaļās galvas" stila rokmāksla, kas atrodama Ennēdi reģionā, ir datēta pirms 7. tūkstošgades pirms mūsu ēras, un, ņemot vērā instrumentus, ar kuriem klintis tika cirsts, un ainas, ko tie attēlo, tā var būt vecākā liecība. Neolīta rūpniecības Sahāra. Daudzas keramikas darināšanas un neolīta aktivitātes Ennedi ir senākas par jebkuru no Nīlas ielejas austrumos. [2]

Aizvēsturiskajā periodā Čada bija daudz mitrāka nekā mūsdienās, par ko liecina lieli medījami dzīvnieki, kas attēloti klinšu gleznās Tibesti un Borkou apgabalos. [2]

Nesenie lingvistiskie pētījumi liecina, ka visas Āfrikas galvenās valodu grupas uz dienvidiem no Sahāras tuksneša (izņemot Khoisan, kas tik un tā netiek uzskatīta par derīgu ģenētisko grupu), ti, afroāzijas, Nilo-Sahāras un Nigēras-Kongo filiāles izcelsme ir aizvēsturiskos laikos. šaurā joslā starp Čadas ezeru un Nīlas ieleju. Tomēr Čadas tautu izcelsme joprojām ir neskaidra. Vairākas no pierādītajām arheoloģiskajām vietām ir izpētītas tikai daļēji, un citas vietas ar lielu potenciālu vēl nav kartētas. [2]

Mūsu ēras 1. tūkstošgades beigās visā Čadas centrā Sāhelas zonā starp tuksnesi un savannu sākās valstu veidošanās. Gandrīz nākamos 1000 gadus šīs valstis, to attiecības savā starpā un to ietekme uz tautām, kas dzīvoja bezvalstnieku sabiedrībā to perifērijā, dominēja Čadas politiskajā vēsturē. Jaunākie pētījumi liecina, ka no šiem štatiem dibinājuši pamatiedzīvotāji afrikāņi, nevis migrējošas arābu valodā runājošas grupas, kā tika uzskatīts iepriekš. Neskatoties uz to, imigrantiem, arābu valodā runājošiem vai citiem, bija nozīmīga loma šo valstu veidošanā un agrīnā attīstībā kopā ar islāmu. [3]

Lielākā daļa štatu sākās kā karaļvalstis, kurās valdnieks tika uzskatīts par dievišķu un apveltīts ar laicīgām un garīgām spējām. Visas valstis bija militāristiskas (vai arī tās ilgi neizdzīvoja), taču neviena nespēja izvērsties tālu Čadas dienvidos, kur meži un tsešu muša sarežģīja kavalērijas izmantošanu. Kontrole pār Sahāras tirdzniecības ceļiem, kas gāja cauri šim reģionam, veidoja šo karaļvalstu ekonomisko pamatu. Lai gan daudzas valstis cēlās un krita, vissvarīgākās un izturīgākās impērijas bija Kanem-Bornu, Baguirmi un Ouaddai, liecina lielākā daļa rakstīto avotu (galvenokārt tiesu hronikas un arābu tirgotāju un ceļotāju raksti). [3] Čada - ERPIRES ERA, 900. – 1900

Kanem-Bornu Edit

Kanemas impērija radās mūsu ēras 9. gadsimtā uz ziemeļaustrumiem no Čadas ezera. Vēsturnieki piekrīt, ka jaunās valsts vadītāji bija kanembu tautas senči. 11. gadsimta beigās Sayfawa karalis (vai mai, Sayfawa valdnieku tituls) Hummay, pārveidots par islāmu. Nākamajā gadsimtā Sayfawa valdnieki paplašinājās uz dienvidiem līdz Kanemai, kur bija jāpaaugstina sava pirmā galvaspilsēta Njimi. Kanema ekspansija sasniedza maksimumu Mai Dunama Dabbalemi (ap 1221–1259) ilgu un enerģisku valdīšanas laiku. [4]

Līdz 14. gadsimta beigām iekšējās cīņas un ārējie uzbrukumi bija saplosījuši Kanemu. Visbeidzot, ap 1396. gadu Bulala iebrucēji piespieda Mai Umar Idrismi pamest Njimi un pārvietot Kanembu cilvēkus uz Bornu Čadas ezera rietumu malā. Laika gaitā Kanembu un Bornu tautu savstarpējā laulība radīja jaunu tautu un valodu - Kanuri un nodibināja jaunu galvaspilsētu Ngazargamu. [4]

Kanems-Bornu sasniedza maksimumu izcilā valstsvīra valdīšanas laikā Mai Idris Aluma (ap 1571–1603). Alumu atceras ar militārajām prasmēm, administratīvajām reformām un islāma dievbijību. Alumas administratīvās reformas un militārais spožums saglabāja impēriju līdz 17. gadsimta vidum, kad tās vara sāka izbalēt. Līdz 19. gadsimta sākumam Kanem-Bornu nepārprotami bija lejupslīdoša impērija, un 1808. gadā Fulani karotāji iekaroja Ngazargamu. Bornu izdzīvoja, bet Sayfawa dinastija beidzās 1846. gadā un pati impērija krita 1893. [4]

Baguirmi un Ouaddai Edit

Baguirmi karaliste, kas atrodas uz dienvidaustrumiem no Kanemburnu, tika dibināta 15. gadsimta beigās vai 16. gadsimta sākumā, un islāmu pieņēma Abdulla IV valdīšanas laikā (1568–98). Baguirmi bija pietekas attiecībās ar Kanem-Bornu dažādos 17. un 18. gadsimta punktos, pēc tam ar Ouaddai 19. gadsimtā. 1893. gadā Baguirmi sultāns Abd ar Rahman Gwaranga nodeva teritoriju Francijai, un tā kļuva par Francijas protektorātu. [5]

Ouaddai karalisti, uz rietumiem no Kanem-Bornu, 16. gadsimta sākumā izveidoja Tunjūras valdnieki. 16. gados Abd al Karim iebruka un nodibināja islāma sultanātu. Starp ietekmīgākajiem valdniekiem nākamajos trīs gadsimtos bija Muhameds Sabuns, kurš kontrolēja jaunu tirdzniecības ceļu uz ziemeļiem un 19. gadsimta sākumā izveidoja valūtu, un Muhameds Šarifs, kura militārās kampaņas 19. gadsimta vidū novērsa asimilācijas mēģinājumu. no Dārfūras iekaroja Baguirmi un veiksmīgi pretojās franču kolonizācijai. Tomēr Ouaddai zaudēja neatkarību Francijai pēc kara laikā no 1909. līdz 1912. gadam. [5]

Franči pirmo reizi iebruka Čadā 1891. gadā, nostiprinot savu autoritāti, veicot militārās ekspedīcijas galvenokārt pret musulmaņu valstībām. Izšķirošā koloniālā cīņa par Čadu notika 1900. gada 22. aprīlī Kouséri kaujā starp franču majora Amédée-François Lamy spēkiem un Sudānas karavadoņa Rabih az-Zubayr spēkiem. Abi līderi tika nogalināti kaujā.

1905. gadā administratīvā atbildība par Čadu tika nodota ģenerālgubernatoram, kas atradās Brazavilā, Francijas Ekvatoriālās Āfrikas (FEA) galvaspilsētā. Čadai nebija atsevišķa koloniālā statusa līdz 1920. gadam, kad tā tika nodota gubernatora leitnanta pakļautībā Fortlamī (šodien N'Džamena). [6]

Čadas koloniālajā pieredzē ar frančiem dominēja divas fundamentālas tēmas: teritorijas vienotības politikas trūkums un ārkārtīgi lēns modernizācijas temps. Francijas prioritāšu skalā Čadas kolonija ierindojās netālu no apakšas, un franči Čadu galvenokārt uztvēra kā neapstrādātas kokvilnas un neapmācīta darbaspēka avotu, ko izmantot produktīvākajās kolonijās dienvidos. [6]

Visa koloniālā perioda laikā lielas Čadas teritorijas nekad netika efektīvi pārvaldītas: milzīgajā BET prefektūrā saujiņa franču militāro administratoru parasti atstāja cilvēkus mierā, un Čadas centrā Francijas valdīšana bija tikai nedaudz saturīgāka. Patiesi, Francijai izdevās efektīvi pārvaldīt tikai dienvidus. [6]

Otrā pasaules kara laikā Čada bija pirmā Francijas kolonija, kas atkal pievienojās sabiedrotajiem (1940. gada 26. augustā) pēc Vācijas sakāves Francijā. Francijas pirmā melnās koloniālās gubernatora Fēliksa Ebouē vadībā militārā kolonna, kuras komandieris bija pulkvedis Filips Leklerks de Hauteclocque, un kurā bija divi Sāras karaspēka bataljoni, pārcēlās uz ziemeļiem no N'Džamenas (toreizējā Lamijas forta), lai iesaistītu ass spēkus Lībijā. , kur sadarbībā ar Lielbritānijas armijas tālās tuksneša grupu viņi ieņēma Kufru. 1942. gada 21. janvārī Vācijas lidmašīna bombardēja N'Džamenu.

Pēc kara beigām Čadā sāka veidoties vietējās partijas. Pirmā piedzima 1947. gada februārī radikālā Čadas Progresīvā partija (PPT), kuru sākotnēji vadīja Panamā dzimušais Gabriels Lisette, bet no 1959. gada - Fransuā Tombalbaja. Konservatīvākā Čadas Demokrātiskā savienība (UDT) tika dibināta 1947. gada novembrī, un tā pārstāvēja Francijas komerciālās intereses un tradicionālo līderu bloku, kuru galvenokārt veidoja musulmaņu un Ouaddaïa muižniecība. Konfrontācija starp PPT un UDT bija vairāk nekā vienkārši ideoloģiska, tā pārstāvēja dažādas reģionālās identitātes - PPT pārstāvēja kristiešus un animistus uz dienvidiem un UDT - islāma ziemeļus.

PPT uzvarēja 1957. gada maijā notikušajās pirmsneatkarības vēlēšanās, pateicoties ievērojami paplašinātai franšīzei, un Lisette vadīja Teritoriālās asamblejas valdību, līdz 1959. gada 11. februārī zaudēja uzticības balsojumu. Pēc referenduma par teritoriālo autonomiju 1958. gada 28. septembrī Francijas ekvatoriālais Āfrika tika likvidēta, un tās četras veidojošās valstis - Gabona, Kongo (Brazavila), Centrālāfrikas Republika un Čada no 1958. gada 28. novembra kļuva par autonomajām franču kopienas dalībvalstīm. Pēc Lisetes krišanas 1959. gada februārī opozīcijas līderi Gontchome Sahoulba un Ahmed Koulamallah nevarēja izveidot stabilu valdību, tāpēc PPT atkal tika lūgts izveidot administrāciju - ko tā izdarīja Fransuā Tombalbaja vadībā 1959. gada 26. martā. 1960. gada 12. jūlijā Francija piekrita Čadas pilnīgai neatkarībai. [7] 1960. gada 11. augustā Čada kļuva par neatkarīgu valsti, bet Fransuā Tombalbajs - par tās pirmo prezidentu.

Viens no ievērojamākajiem Tombalbaja valdīšanas aspektiem, lai pierādītu sevi, bija viņa autoritārisms un neuzticība demokrātijai. Jau 1962. gada janvārī viņš aizliedza visas politiskās partijas, izņemot savu PPT, un nekavējoties sāka visu varu koncentrēt savās rokās. Viņa attieksme pret pretiniekiem, patiesa vai iedomāta, bija ārkārtīgi skarba, piepildot cietumus ar tūkstošiem politisko ieslodzīto.

Vēl sliktāk bija viņa pastāvīgā diskriminācija pret Čadas centrālo un ziemeļu reģionu, kur Čadas dienvidu administratori tika uztverti kā augstprātīgi un nekompetenti. Šis aizvainojums beidzot eksplodēja nodokļu sacelšanās laikā 1965. gada 1. novembrī Gjēras prefektūrā, izraisot 500 nāves gadījumus. Nākamajā gadā Sudānā piedzima Čadas Nacionālā atbrīvošanas fronte (FROLINAT), kas tika izveidota, lai militāri izspiestu Tombalbaju un dienvidu dominanti. Tas bija asiņaina pilsoņu kara sākums.

Tombalbajs ķērās pie Francijas karaspēka izsaukšanas, kamēr bija vidēji veiksmīgs, viņi nespēja pilnībā apspiest nemierniekus. Vairāk paveicās viņa izvēlei šķirties no francūžiem un meklēt draudzīgas saites ar Lībijas brāļu līderi Kadafi, atņemot nemiernieku galveno apgādes avotu.

Bet, lai gan viņš bija ziņojis par zināmiem panākumiem pret nemierniekiem, Tombalbajs sāka uzvesties arvien neracionālāk un brutālāk, nepārtraukti graujot savu vienprātību dienvidu elites vidū, kas dominēja visos galvenajos amatos armijā, civildienestā un valdošajā partijā. Tā rezultātā 1975. gada 13. aprīlī vairākas Ndžamenas žandarmērijas vienības apvērsuma laikā nogalināja Tombalbaju.

Valsts apvērsums, kas izbeidza Tombalbajas valdību, Ndžamenā saņēma entuziasma pilnu atbildi. Dienvidrietumu ģenerālis Félix Malloum parādījās agri kā jaunā priekšsēdētājs hunta.

Jaunie militārie vadītāji nespēja ilgi saglabāt popularitāti, ko bija ieguvuši, gāžot Tombalbaju. Malloum pierādīja, ka nespēj tikt galā ar FROLINAT, un beigās nolēma, ka viņa vienīgā iespēja ir dažu nemiernieku apkarošana: 1978. gadā viņš bija sabiedrotais ar nemiernieku līderi Hissène Habré, kurš valdībā stājās kā premjerministrs.

Iekšējās domstarpības valdībā lika premjerministram Habrē 1979. gada februārī nosūtīt savus spēkus pret Malloum nacionālo armiju galvaspilsētā. Malloum tika gāzts no prezidenta amata, bet no tā izrietošais pilsoņu karš starp 11 jaunajām grupām bija tik plaši izplatīts, ka izraisīja centrālo valdību. lielā mērā nav nozīmes. Tajā brīdī citas Āfrikas valdības nolēma iejaukties

Četru starptautisku konferenču sērija, kas vispirms notika Nigērijas un pēc tam Āfrikas vienotības organizācijas (OAU) sponsorēšanas ietvaros, mēģināja apvienot Čadas frakcijas. Ceturtajā konferencē, kas notika Lagosā, Nigērijā, 1979. gada augustā, tika parakstīta Lagosas vienošanās. Šī vienošanās izveidoja pagaidu valdību, gaidot valsts vēlēšanas. 1979. gada novembrī tika izveidota Nacionālās vienotības pārejas valdība (GUNT) ar pilnvarām pārvaldīt 18 mēnešus. Ziemeļnieks Goukouni Oueddei tika nosaukts par prezidentu pulkvedi Kamougué, dienvidnieku, viceprezidentu un Habré, aizsardzības ministru. Šī koalīcija izrādījās trausla 1980. gada janvārī, starp Goukouni un Habré spēkiem atkal sākās kaujas. Ar Lībijas palīdzību Goukouni līdz gada beigām atguva kontroli pār galvaspilsētu un citiem pilsētu centriem. Tomēr Goukouni 1981. gada janvāra paziņojums, ka Čada un Lībija ir vienojušās strādāt, lai panāktu pilnīgu vienotību starp abām valstīm, izraisīja intensīvu starptautisku spiedienu, un pēc tam Goukouni aicināja pilnībā atcelt ārējos spēkus.

Lībijas daļēja atkāpšanās Aozou joslā Čadas ziemeļos pavēra ceļu Habre spēkiem jūnijā iebraukt N’Džamenā. Francijas karaspēks un OAU miera uzturēšanas spēki 3500 Nigērijas, Senegālas un Zairian karaspēka (daļēji finansēti no ASV) konflikta laikā palika neitrāli.

Habrē turpināja saskarties ar bruņotu opozīciju dažādās frontēs, un nežēlīgi represēja pret aizdomās turētajiem pretiniekiem, daudzus slepkavoja un spīdzināja viņa valdīšanas laikā. 1983. gada vasarā GUNT spēki uzsāka ofensīvu pret valdības pozīcijām Čadas ziemeļos un austrumos ar lielu Lībijas atbalstu. Reaģējot uz Lībijas tiešo iejaukšanos, Francijas un Zairas spēki iejaucās, lai aizstāvētu Habrē, stumjot Lībijas un nemiernieku spēkus uz ziemeļiem no 16. paralēles. 1984. gada septembrī Francijas un Lībijas valdības paziņoja par vienošanos par savu spēku savstarpēju izvešanu no Čadas. Līdz gada beigām visi Francijas un Zairas karaspēki tika izvesti. Lībija neievēroja izstāšanās līgumu, un tās spēki turpināja ieņemt Čadas ziemeļu trešdaļu.

Nemiernieku komandgrupas (Codos) Čadas dienvidos 1984. gadā izjauca valdības slaktiņi. 1985. gadā Habrē īsi samierinājās ar dažiem pretiniekiem, tostarp Čadas Demokrātisko fronti (FDT) un Demokrātiskās Revolucionārās padomes Koordinācijas rīcības komiteju. Goukouni arī sāka pulcēties pret Habrē, un ar viņa atbalstu Habrē veiksmīgi izraidīja Lībijas spēkus no lielākās daļas Čadas teritorijas. Pamiers starp Čadu un Lībiju notika no 1987. līdz 1988. gadam, un vairāku nākamo gadu sarunu rezultātā tika pieņemts 1994. gada Starptautiskās tiesas lēmums, ar kuru Čadai tika piešķirta suverenitāte pār Aouzou joslu, faktiski izbeidzot Lībijas okupāciju.

Pieaug pie varas Rediģēt

Tomēr astoņdesmito gadu beigās sāncensība starp Hadjerai, Zaghawa un Gorane grupām valdībā pieauga. 1989. gada aprīlī Idriss Débijs, viens no Habre vadošajiem ģenerāļiem un Zaghawa, pārcēlās un aizbēga uz Dārfūru Sudānā, no kurienes viņš uzcēla Zaghawa atbalstītu uzbrukumu sēriju Habré (Gorane). 1990. gada decembrī ar Lībijas palīdzību un Čadā izvietoto franču karaspēka pretestību Débija spēki veiksmīgi devās uz N’Džamenu. Pēc 3 mēnešu pagaidu valdības Débija Patriotiskās glābšanas kustība (MPS) 1991. gada 28. februārī apstiprināja valsts hartu, kuras prezidents bija Débijs.

Nākamo divu gadu laikā Débija saskārās ar vismaz diviem apvērsuma mēģinājumiem. Valdības spēki vardarbīgi sadūrās ar nemiernieku spēkiem, tostarp Demokrātijas un attīstības kustību, MDD, Miera un demokrātijas nacionālās atmodas komiteju (CSNPD), Čadas Nacionālo fronti (FNT) un Rietumu bruņotajiem spēkiem (FAO), netālu no Čadas ezera un dienvidos valsts reģionos. Iepriekšējās Francijas prasības valstij sarīkot Nacionālo konferenci izraisīja 750 delegātu, kas pārstāvēja politiskās partijas (kuras tika legalizētas 1992. gadā), valdību, arodbiedrības un armiju, lai apspriestu plurālisma demokrātiskā režīma izveidi.

Tomēr nemieri turpinājās, un to daļēji izraisīja plaša civiliedzīvotāju slepkavība Čadas dienvidos. CSNPD Kette Moise un citu dienvidu grupu vadībā 1994. gadā noslēdza miera līgumu ar valdības spēkiem, kas vēlāk izjuka. Divas jaunas grupas - Federālās Republikas bruņotie spēki (FARF), kuru vadīja bijušā sabiedrotā Kette sabiedrotā Laokeina Bārde, un Demokrātiskā atjaunošanas fronte (FDR), kā arī pārformulēts MDD sadūrās ar valdības spēkiem no 1994. līdz 1995. gadam.

Daudzpartiju vēlēšanas Rediģēt

Sarunas ar politiskajiem oponentiem 1996. gada sākumā nebija veiksmīgas, taču Débijs paziņoja par nodomu rīkot prezidenta vēlēšanas jūnijā. Debijs uzvarēja valsts pirmajās daudzpartiju prezidenta vēlēšanās ar opozīcijas līdera Kebzabo atbalstu otrajā kārtā, pieveicot ģenerāli Kamougu (1975. gada apvērsuma pret Tombalbaju līderis). Partija Déby MPS ieguva 63 no 125 vietām 1997. gada janvāra likumdošanas vēlēšanās. Starptautiskie novērotāji atzīmēja daudzus nopietnus pārkāpumus prezidenta un likumdevēja vēlēšanu procesā.

Līdz 1997. gada vidum valdība parakstīja miera līgumus ar FARF un MDD vadību, un tai izdevās nogriezt grupējumus no to aizmugures bāzēm Centrālāfrikas Republikā un Kamerūnā. Vienošanās tika noslēgta arī ar nemierniekiem no Čadas Nacionālās frontes (FNT) un Kustību par sociālo taisnīgumu un demokrātiju 1997. gada oktobrī. Tomēr miers bija īslaicīgs, jo FARF nemiernieki sadūrās ar valdības karavīriem, beidzot piekāpjoties valdības spēkiem 1998. gada maijā. Kaujās tika nogalināts Bārds, tāpat kā simtiem citu dienvidnieku, lielākā daļa civiliedzīvotāju.

Kopš 1998. gada oktobra Čadas kustības “Taisnīgums un demokrātija” (MDJT) nemiernieki, kurus vadīja Jusūfs Togoimi līdz viņa nāvei 2002. gada septembrī, cīnījās ar valdības karaspēku Tibesti reģionā, kā rezultātā tika zaudēti simtiem civiliedzīvotāju, valdības un nemiernieku. zeme uzvarēja vai zaudēja. Citās Čadas daļās nav parādījusies aktīva bruņota opozīcija, lai gan Kette Moise pēc augstākajiem iecelšanas amatiem Iekšlietu ministrijā uzsāka neliela mēroga vietējo operāciju netālu no Moundou, kuru valdības spēki 2000. gada beigās ātri un vardarbīgi apspieda.

Debijs deviņdesmito gadu vidū pakāpeniski atjaunoja valdības pamatfunkcijas un noslēdza līgumus ar Pasaules banku un SVF, lai veiktu būtiskas ekonomiskās reformas. Naftas ieguve Dobas dienvidu reģionā sākās 2000. gada jūnijā, saņemot Pasaules Bankas valdes apstiprinājumu, lai finansētu nelielu projekta daļu-Čadas-Kamerūnas naftas attīstības projektu, kura mērķis ir Čadas jēlnaftas transportēšana pa 1000 kilometrus garu cauruļvadu caur Kamerūnu uz Gvinejas līcis. Projekts izveidoja unikālus Pasaules Bankas, privātā sektora, valdības un pilsoniskās sabiedrības sadarbības mehānismus, lai garantētu, ka nākotnes naftas ieņēmumi dos labumu vietējiem iedzīvotājiem un mazinās nabadzību. Projekta panākumi bija atkarīgi no vairākiem uzraudzības pasākumiem [8], lai nodrošinātu, ka visas puses pilda savas saistības. Šie "unikālie" uzraudzības un ieņēmumu pārvaldības mehānismi jau no paša sākuma ir saskārušies ar spēcīgu kritiku. [9] Parāda atvieglojumi Čadai tika piešķirti 2001. gada maijā.

Debijs 2001. gada maijā prezidenta vēlēšanās pēc likumdošanas vēlēšanu atlikšanas līdz 2002. gada pavasarim ieguva kļūdainu uzvaru pirmajā kārtā. Apsūdzot valdību krāpšanā, tika arestēti (divas reizes) seši opozīcijas līderi un viens opozīcijas partijas aktīvists tika nogalināts. vēlēšanu rezultāti. Tomēr, neraugoties uz apgalvojumiem par valdības korupciju, Zaghawas labvēlību un drošības spēku ļaunprātīgu izmantošanu, opozīcijas partija un arodbiedrība aicina uz vispārējiem streikiem un aktīvākām demonstrācijām pret valdību. Neskatoties uz virzību uz demokrātiskām reformām, vara paliek ziemeļu etniskās oligarhijas rokās.

2003. gadā Čada sāka uzņemt bēgļus no Dārfūras reģiona Sudānas rietumos. Vairāk nekā 200 000 bēgļu bēga no cīņām starp diviem nemiernieku grupējumiem un valdības atbalstītajiem kaujiniekiem, kas pazīstami kā Džandžavids. Vairāki robežgadījumi noveda pie Čadas un Sudānas kara.

Naftas ieguve un militārā uzlabošana Rediģēt

Čada kļuva par naftas ražotāju 2003. gadā. Lai izvairītos no resursu lāsta un korupcijas, tika izstrādāti izstrādāti Pasaules Bankas sponsorēti plāni. Šis plāns nodrošināja maksājumu pārredzamību, kā arī to, ka 80% naudas no naftas eksporta tiks tērēti piecām prioritārām attīstības nozarēm, no kurām divas svarīgākās ir: izglītība un veselības aprūpe. Tomēr nauda sāka tikt novirzīta militārpersonām pat pirms pilsoņu kara sākuma. 2006. gadā, kad saasinājās pilsoņu karš, Čada atteicās no iepriekšējiem Pasaules Bankas sponsorētajiem ekonomiskajiem plāniem un kā prioritāro attīstības nozari pievienoja "nacionālo drošību", nauda no šīs nozares tika izmantota militārā spēka uzlabošanai. Pilsoņu kara laikā vairāk nekā 600 miljoni dolāru tika izmantoti iznīcinātāju, uzbrukuma helikopteru un bruņutransportieru iegādei.

Čada nopelnīja no 10 līdz 11 miljardiem dolāru no naftas ieguves, un tika lēsts, ka armijā tika ieguldīti 4 miljardi dolāru. [10]

Karš austrumos Rediģēt

Karš sākās 2005. gada 23. decembrī, kad Čadas valdība pasludināja karastāvokli ar Sudānu un aicināja Čadas pilsoņus mobilizēties pret "kopīgo ienaidnieku" [11], ko Čadas valdība uzskata par mītiņu. Demokrātijas un brīvības (RDL) kaujinieki, Čadas nemiernieki, kurus atbalsta Sudānas valdība, un Sudānas kaujinieki. Kaujinieki uzbruka ciemiem un pilsētām Čadas austrumos, zogot liellopus, slepkavojot pilsoņus un dedzinot mājas. Vairāk nekā 200 000 bēgļu no Dārfūras reģiona Sudānas ziemeļrietumos pašlaik lūdz patvērumu Čadas austrumos. Čadas prezidents Idriss Débijs apsūdz Sudānas prezidentu Omāru Hasanu Ahmadu al Baširu mēģinājumos "destabilizēt mūsu valsti, iedzīt mūsu cilvēkus nelaimē, radīt nekārtības un eksportēt karu no Dārfūras uz Čadu".

Uzbrukums Čadas Adre pilsētai pie Sudānas robežas izraisīja vai nu simt nemiernieku nāvi, kā ziņoja visi ziņu avoti, izņemot CNN, vai trīs simti nemiernieku. Uzbrukumā, kas bija otrais reģionā pēdējo trīs dienu laikā, tika vainota Sudānas valdība, [12] taču Sudānas Ārlietu ministrijas pārstāvis Džamals Muhameds Ibrahims noliedz jebkādu Sudānas līdzdalību: "Mēs neesam par eskalāciju ar Čadu. Mēs tehniski noliedzam līdzdalību Čadas iekšējās lietās. " Šis uzbrukums bija pēdējais salmiņš, kura dēļ Čada pieteica karu un apgalvoja, ka Čadas gaisa spēki ir izvietoti Sudānas gaisa telpā, ko Čadas valdība noliedz. [13]

Uzbrukums N'Džamenai tika uzvarēts 2006. gada 13. aprīlī kaujā pie Ndžamenas. Valsts prezidents nacionālajā radio paziņoja, ka situācija tiek kontrolēta, taču iedzīvotāji, diplomāti un žurnālisti, kā ziņots, dzirdēja šāvienus ar ieročiem.

2006. gada 25. novembrī nemiernieki ieņēma austrumu pilsētu Abeču, kas ir Ouddaï reģiona galvaspilsēta un humānās palīdzības centrs Dārfūras reģionam Sudānā. Tajā pašā dienā atsevišķa nemiernieku grupa Rally of Democratic Forces bija sagūstījusi Biltīnu. 2006. gada 26. novembrī Čadas valdība apgalvoja, ka ir atguvusi abas pilsētas, lai gan nemiernieki joprojām apgalvoja kontroli pār Biltīnu. Valdības ēkas un humānās palīdzības biroji Abeche tika izlaupīti. Čadas valdība noliedza Francijas vēstniecības Ndžamenā brīdinājumu, ka nemiernieku grupa dodas cauri Bathas prefektūrai Čadas centrā. Čada uzstāj, ka abas nemiernieku grupas atbalsta Sudānas valdība. [14]

Starptautiskais bērnu nama skandāls Rediģēt

Gandrīz 100 bērnu starptautiskā skandāla centrā, kas viņus atstāja bērnu namā Čadas austrumu austrumos, pēc gandrīz pieciem mēnešiem, 2008. gada 14. martā, atgriezās mājās. 2007. gada oktobrī 97 bērnus no savām mājām aizveda tolaik neskaidra franču labdarības organizācija. , Zoé's Ark, kas apgalvoja, ka viņi ir bāreņi no Sudānas kara plosītā Darfūras reģiona. [15]

Nemiernieku uzbrukums Ndjamenai Edit

Piektdien, 2008. gada 1. februārī, nemiernieki, līderu opozīcijas alianse Mahamat Nouri, bijušais aizsardzības ministrs, un Timane Erdimi, Idriss Déby brāļadēls, kurš bija viņa štāba priekšnieks, uzbruka Čadas galvaspilsētai Ndžamenai - pat ap prezidenta prezidentu. Pils. Bet Idris Debijs ar valdības karaspēku cīnījās pretī. Francijas spēki lidoja ar munīciju Čadas valdības karaspēkam, bet aktīvi nepiedalījās kaujās. ANO ir paziņojusi, ka līdz 20 000 cilvēku pametuši šo reģionu, meklējot patvērumu netālu esošajā Kamerūnā un Nigērijā. Tika nogalināti simtiem cilvēku, galvenokārt civiliedzīvotāji. Nemiernieki apsūdz Debiju korupcijā un miljonu ienākumu izkrāpšanā. Lai gan daudzi čadieši var piekrist šim vērtējumam, sacelšanās, šķiet, ir cīņa par varu elitē, kas jau sen kontrolē Čadu. Francijas valdība uzskata, ka opozīcija ir pārgrupējusies uz austrumiem no galvaspilsētas. Pašreizējos nemieros Čadā Débijs ir vainojis Sudānu. [16]

Reģionālā intervence Rediģēt

Demija laikmetā Čada iejaucās konfliktos Mali, Centrālāfrikas Republikā, Nigērā un Nigērijā. [ nepieciešams citāts ]

2013. gadā Čada no armijas nosūtīja 2000 vīriešu, lai palīdzētu Francijai operācijā Serval Mali kara laikā. Vēlāk tajā pašā gadā Čada nosūtīja 850 karavīrus uz Centrālāfrikas Republiku, lai palīdzētu miera uzturēšanas operācijai MISCA. Šie karavīri pēc apsūdzībām cilvēktiesību pārkāpumos 2014. gada aprīlī atkāpās. [10]

Boko Haram sacelšanās laikā Čada vairākas reizes nosūtīja karaspēku, lai palīdzētu cīņā pret Boko Haram Nigērā un Nigērijā.

2018. gada augustā Militārās pavēlniecības republikas glābšanas padomes (CCMSR) nemiernieku kaujinieki uzbruka valdības spēkiem Čadas ziemeļos. Čada piedzīvoja draudus no džihādistiem, kuri bēga no Lībijas konflikta. Čada bija Rietumu sabiedrotā cīņā pret islāmistu kaujiniekiem Rietumāfrikā. [17]

2019. gada janvārī pēc 47 gadiem Čada atjaunoja diplomātiskās attiecības ar Izraēlu. To vizītes laikā N’Džamenā paziņoja Izraēlas premjerministrs Bendžamins Netanjahu [18].

2021. gada aprīlī Čadas armija paziņoja, ka prezidents Idriss Débijs miris no ievainojumiem pēc sadursmēm ar nemierniekiem valsts ziemeļos. Idriss Debijs valsti vadīja vairāk nekā 30 gadus kopš 1990. gada. Tika arī paziņots, ka nākamos 18 mēnešus valdīs militārā padome, kuru vada Débija dēls Mahamat Idriss Déby, 37 gadus vecs četrzvaigžņu ģenerālis. [19] [20]


Politika

Alauma II, pašreizējā Bornu Mai (karalis)

Bornu politika notiek vienotas, parlamentāras, reprezentatīvas demokrātiskas monarhijas ietvaros. Pašreizējais monarhs Alauma II ir valsts valsts galva.

Vienpalātas parlaments, ko sauc par Bornu asambleju, ir atbildīgs par likumu pieņemšanu, valsts budžetu pieņemšanu un izpildvaras kontroles īstenošanu, izmantojot savu ievēlēto pārstāvi, premjerministru - šobrīd Simplice Sarandji.


7. Miyamoto Musashi

Mijamoto Mušaši, bez šaubām, ir visu laiku labākais zobenzobis, kāds jebkad ir dzīvojis. Ko Melankomas darīja ar dūrēm, to Musaši darīja ar zobeniem. Throughout his life he was never once defeated in combat. It got to the point where Miyamoto was so good at giving people katana enemas that he just up and stopped using swords altogether, though he didn’t stop sword fighting.

For the rest of his life Musashi, accepted (and roundly defeated) all challenges using a simple wooden sword. Basically, he was like Ryu from Ninja Gaiden when controlled by someone really awesome. Musashi split open more heads than a thousand B-movie gorefests, and he did it all while being a travelling warrior poet. That’s just straight-up pimping.


When the Zaghawa (people of Kanem) arrived in the area around Lake Chad, they found independent walled-cities states from the Sao civilization, a civilization which had flourished around the 6th century, with its center around the Chari river, south of Lake Chad. The Zaghawa adopted some of the Sao customs, but fight among the two lasted from the 7th century until the 16th. The conquest of Kanem by the Zaghawa was done under the Duguwa dynasty which was started by King Sef (also known as Saif… some people eager to change African history state that the Zaghawa were from Yemen… but we all know that they were local people) about 700 CE . The dynasty, Sayfawa or Sefuwa, is named for King Dugu , one of Sef’s sons, who was ruling about 785 CE . Abandoning their nomadic lifestyle, the Zaghawa established a capital at N’Jimi (meaning “south” — the location of this town is still unknown, but it is believed to be around Lake Fitri). Under the rule of Dugu, Kanem expanded to become an empire. The Zaghawa kings, called maï , were regarded as divine and belonged to a ruling establishment known as the Magumi . They were recognized for a great amount of horses. Kanem’s expansion peaked during the reign of Maï Dunama Dabbalemi ( ca. 1221-59 ) and extended northward into the Fezzan region (Libya), westward into Kano (Nigeria), eastward to Ouaddaï (or Wadai), and southward into the Adamawa grasslands (Cameroon). They converted to islam around the 11th century CE.

Group of Kanem-Bu warriors in the 1800s

By the end of the 14th century, internal struggles and external attacks had torn Kanem apart. Between 1376 and 1400 , six Maïs reigned, but were killed by foreign invaders. Finally, around 1396 the Bulala invaders forced the once strong Sayfawa dynasty to abandon Njimi and move to Bornu on the western edge of Lake Chad. Around 1472 , Maï Ali Dunamami fortified the Bornu state, and established the capital at Ngazargamu, which had more fertile lands. Over time the inter-marriage between the Kanembu and the Borno people created a new people, the Kanembu, and a language called Kanuri .

The Kanem-Bornu empire peaked during the reign of Maï Idris Alooma (ca. 1571 – 1603 ) who is remembered for his great military and diplomatic skills. His main adversaries were the Hausa to the west, the Tuareg and Toubou to the north, and the Bulala to the east. One epic poem tells of his victories in 330 wars , and over 1,000 battles . He was a true military genius, and some of his innovations included the use of fixed military camps (with walls), permanent sieges, and “scorched earth” tactics, armored horses and riders, the use of Berber camels, of skilled Kotoko boatmen, and of iron-helmeted musketeers trained by Turkish military advisers. He had very strong diplomatic ties with Tripoli, Egypt, and the Ottoman empire, which at some point sent a 200-member ambassadorial party across the desert to Alooma’s court in Ngazargamu. The state revenues came from tribute from vassal states, trans-saharan trade route, and slave trade. Many products such as cotton, natron (sodium carbonate), kola nuts, ivory, ostrich feathers, perfume, was, and hides were exported north via the Sahara desert.

Map of the Kanem and Kanem-Bornu empires

By the end of the 17th century, the empire started declining, and by the 18th century, it only extended westward into the land of the Hausa. By the early 19th century, the declining empire could not sustain the advance from the fulani warriors of Usman Dan Fodio who proclaimed the jihad war against the non-muslims.


Idris Alooma: Warrior King of the Bornu Empire

Today, I will be talking about Idris Alooma (also Idris Alaoma , or Idris Alauma ), the only Bornu King whose name has survived the test of time. This article is long overdue, as it focuses on the Bornu and Kanem-Bornu empires.

Idris Alooma’s reign belonged to the great Sayfawa or Sefuwa dynasty which ruled the Bornu empire from the 16th and 17th centuries. Saskaņā ar Diwan al-salatin Bornu , Idris Alaoma was the 54th King of the Sefawa dynasty , and ruled the Kanem-Bornu empire located in modern-day Chad, Cameroon and Nigeria. In many works, he is known by his mother’s name, Idris Amsami , i.e. Idris, son of Amsa . Vārds Alooma is a posthumous qualificative, named after a place, Alo vai Alao , where he was buried. He was crowned king at the age of 25-26 . Saskaņā ar Diwan , he ruled from 1564 to 1596 . He died during a battle in the Baguirmi where he was mortally wounded he was later buried in Lake Alo , south of the actual Maiduguri, thus the name Alooma .

Group of Kanem-Bu warriors in the 1800s

Idris was an outstanding statesman, and under his rule, the Kanem-Bornu touched the zenith of its power. He is remembered for his military skills, administrative reforms and Islamic piety. His feats are mainly known through his chronicler Ahmad bin Fartuwa . During his reign, Idris avoided the capital Ngazargamu, preferring to set his palace 5 km away, near the Jo river ( Komadugu Yobe ), in a place named Gambaru . The walls of the city were red , leading to a new architecture using red bricks characteristic of his reign. To this day, some murals still exist in Gambaru and are over 3m tall . These are vestiges of a flourishing empire. Idris Alooma was known by the Kanuri title of Mai for king.

Kanem-Bornu court in the 1700s

His main adversaries were the Hausa to the west, the Tuareg and Toubou to the north, the Bulala to the east, and the Sao who were strongly implanted in the Bornu region (and will be decimated by Alooma’s military campaigns). One epic poem extols his victories in 330 wars and more than 1,000 battles . His innovations included the employment of fixed military camps with walls, permanent sieges and scorched earth tactics where soldiers burned everything in their path, armored horses and riders as well as the use of Berber camels, Kotoko boatmen, and iron-helmeted musketeers trained by Ottoman military advisers. His active diplomacy featured relations with Tripoli, Egypt, and the Ottoman Empire, which sent a 200-member ambassadorial party across the desert to Alooma’s court at Ngazargamu. Alooma also signed what was probably the first written treaty or ceasefire in Chadian history.

Alooma introduced a number of legal and administrative reforms based on his religious beliefs and Islamic law. He sponsored the construction of numerous mosques and made a pilgrimage to Mecca, where he arranged for the establishment of a hostel to be used by pilgrims from his empire. As with other dynamic politicians, Alooma’s reformist goals led him to seek loyal and competent advisers and allies, and he frequently relied on eunuchs and slaves who had been educated in noble homes. Alooma regularly sought advice from a council composed of heads of the most important clans. He required major political figures to live at the court, and he reinforced political alliances through appropriate marriages (Alooma himself was the son of a Kanuri father and a Bulala mother).

Map of the Kanem and Kanem-Bornu empires

Kanem-Bornu under Alooma was strong and wealthy. Government revenue came from tribute (or booty if the recalcitrant people had to be conquered) and duties on and participation in trade. His kingdom was central to one of the most convenient routes across the Sahara desert. Many products were sent north, including natron (sodium carbonate), cotton, kola nuts, ivory, ostrich feathers, perfume, wax, and hides, but the most profitable trade was in slaves. Imports included salt, horses, silk, glass, muskets, and copper.


10 of the Greatest Ancient Warrior Cultures You Should Know About

Angus McBride ilustrācija.

Posted By: Dattatreya Mandal September 8, 2016

The episodes of war and human conflicts are persistent when it comes to the rich tapestry of history. And in such a vast ambit of wanton destruction and death, there have been a few civilizations, tribes and factions that had accepted warfare as an intrinsic part of their culture. So without further ado, let us take a gander at ten of the incredible ancient warrior cultures that pushed forth the ‘art of war’ (or rather the art of dealing with war) as an extension of their social system.

Note 1 – In this list, we are NOT implying the ten greatest ancient warrior cultures, but rather implying ten OF THE greatest ancient warrior cultures (before Common Era). Preference for choosing the said cultures is partly based on their variant geographical power-centers.

Note 2 – The list doesn’t reflect the cultures’ successes in battles or wars, but it pertains to how they perceived the scope of war or conflict (from a social perspective).

1) The Akkadian Warrior (circa 24th century – 22nd century BC) –

Akkadian archer wielding a composite bow, while being protected by an infantryman.

Circa 2334 BC, the Akkadians carved up the first known all-Mesopotamian empire, thereby momentously uniting the speakers of both Sumerian and Akkadian. In fact, by the middle of the 3rd millennium BC, the Akkadians managed to create a culturally syncretic scope (that encompassed a melting pot of different ethnicity and city-states), which ultimately paved the way for the emergence of Akkadian as the lingua franca of Mesopotamia for many centuries to come. However, beyond just cultural affiliations with the advanced Sumerians, the Akkadians also adopted (and loaned) many of the military systems and doctrines of their Mesopotamian brethren.

One example of such ‘transmission’ of military ideas relates to how the Akkadians probably fought in a phalanx-like formation long before the Greeks (as did the soldiers of the Sumerian city-state of Lagash). This tactic in itself alludes to how the soldiers of Akkad must have been disciplined and trained, thus hinting at their professional status, as opposed to most ancient armies. Daži steles also showcase how the Akkadians (and their preceding Sumerians) made use of the armored cloak – a panoply that probably consisted of a leather skin (or cloth) reinforced with metal discs and helmets for further protection in brutal melee combats.

But the practical superiority of the Akkadian (and Sumerian) warrior culture must have related to the use of wheels – an invention that not only allowed for more complex logistical support but also heralded the development of chariots, the ponderous heavy shock weapons of the Bronze Age. Moreover, Sargon of Akkad, possibly the first known military dictator of an empire, implemented the use of composite bows in his otherwise lightly-armed citizen army. Historically, the effective range and punch of such powerful bows (in the hands of skilled archers) surely must have given the Akkadians the military advantage over their Sumerian neighbors – many of whom still relied on javelins.

2) The Hittite Warrior (1600 BC – 1178 BC) –

The Hittite chariots (on right) clashing with the Egyptians at the Battle of Kadesh (circa 1274 BC). Illustration by Adam Cook.

Almost 3,700 years ago, a power rose in central Anatolia thus effectively making its presence felt in the ancient Near-Eastern world. Historians term the realm as the Kingdom of Hatti, and its inhabitants are known as the Hittites. By late 14th century BC, the Hittites probably controlled the most powerful empire of the Bronze Age, with their dominions stretching all the way across Anatolia to touch the Aegean Sea, while being complemented on the east with their expansions into Syria (and finally even Mesopotamia) with the defeat of their longtime rivals, the Mitanni.

Interestingly enough, the martial culture of the Hittites was often represented by their kings who were also the commanders-in-chief of their armies. In essence, kingship was intrinsically tied to the display of martial prowess and commanding capability on the battlefields and as such the kings were expected to prove themselves in battles.

Because of such an ingrained cultural aspect, the future candidates (for kingship and other elite political roles) were often trained in warfare skills from their childhood. To that end, much like warlords, many of the Hittite kings led their troops in the thick of the battle and possibly even engaged in melee combat with the enemy. However, in most practical scenarios, the ruler probably donned his role as a commander and directed his troops from protected vantage points.

As for the composition of their armies, most of the Hittite infantrymen were lightly armed with spears and rudimentary shields. But much like other contemporary powers (of both Near East and the Mediterranean) the elite section of the Hittite army was composed of chariots. In that regard, by the time of the momentous Battle of Kadesh (circa 1274 BC), the Hittites probably ‘modified’ their chariot-based tactics by placing three men on the vehicle (as opposed to two men).

And while this made the chariot more ponderous, it was compensated by the extra protection offered by a shield-bearer who guarded the other two armed with throwing spears and bow-and-arrows. This technique, though risky, might have been instrumental in shattering the first division of their Egyptian foes, thus providing the Hittites with the initiative in the encounter.

3) The Spartan Warrior (circa 9th century BC – 192 BC) –

According to Xenophon, the crimson robes and bronze shields carried by the Spartans were mandated by their legendary lawgiver Lycurgus.

An ancient warrior culture that has often been exaggerated in our popular media, the Spartans nevertheless espoused their brand of rigorous military institutions. In fact, the Spartans (or Lakedaimonians) maintained the only full-time army in all of ancient Greece, while their social structures were geared towards producing hardy soldiers from ordinary citizens. One prime example of such a military-oriented scope obviously pertains to the agrīnā – the Spartan regimen for boys that combined both education and military training into one exacting package.

The agrīnā was mandated for all male Spartans from the age of 6 or 7 when the child grew up to be a boy (paidon). This meant leaving his own house and parents behind and relocating to the barrack to live with other boys. Interestingly, one of the very first things that the boy learned in his new quarters was the pyrriche, a sort of dance that also involved the carrying of arms. This was practiced so as to make the Spartan boy nimble-footed even when maneuvering heavy weapons. Along with such physical moves, the boy was also taught exercises in music, the war songs of Tyrtaios, and the ability to read and write.

By the time, the boy grew up to be 12, he was known as the meirakion or youth. Suffice it to say, the rigorous scope was notched up a level with the physical exercises increased in a day. The youth also had to cut his hair short and walk barefooted, while most of his clothes were taken away from him. The Spartans believed that such uncompromising measures made the pre-teen boy tough while enhancing his endurance levels for all climates (in fact, the only bed he was allowed to sleep in the winter was made of reeds that had been plucked personally by the candidate from the River Eurotas valley).

Added to this stringent scope, the youth was intentionally fed with less than adequate food so as to stoke his hunger pangs. This encouraged the youth to sometimes steal food and on being caught, he was punished – not for stealing the food, but for getting caught. And finally, on turning eighteen, he was considered as an adult and a soldier of the Spartan society but was still prohibited from entering a marketplace to talk with his fellow adults till the age of 30. In consideration of all these strict rules, Plutarch once observed that the only rest that a Spartan got from training for war was during the actual war.

4) The Assyrian Warrior (Neo-Assyrian Empire 900 BC – 612 BC) –

The Assyrians were known for using imposing siege weapons and towers. Angus McBride ilustrācija.

In a conventional sense, when we talk about Assyria, our notions pertain mostly to what is known as the Neo-Assyrian Empire (or the Late Empire) that ruled the largest empire of the world up till that time, roughly existing from a period of 900-612 BC. To that end, many historians perceive Assyria to be among the first ‘superpowers’ of the Ancient World. But as the dictum suggests – ‘when the going gets tough, the tough get going’.

In that regard, Assyria’s rise to power was ironically fueled by the land’s initial vulnerability, since it was beset on all sides by enemies including nomadic tribes, hill folks, and even proximate competing powers. And to protect their rich and plump grain-lands, the Assyrians systematically devised an effective and well organized military system (from circa 15th century BC) that could cope with the constant state of aggression, conflicts, and raids (much like the Romans).

Over time, the reactionary measures translated into an incredibly powerful military system that was inherently tied to the economic well-being of the state. And the once-defenders now turned into aggressors. So in a sense, while the Assyrians formulated their ‘attack is the best defense’ strategies, the proximate states became more war-like, thus adding to the list of enemies for the Assyrians to conquer. Consequently, when the Assyrians went on a war footing, their military was able to absorb more ideas from foreign powers, which led to an ambit of evolution and flexibility (again much like the later Romans). These tendencies of flexibility, discipline and incredible fighting skills (that ranged from chariots, archers to siege tactics) became the hallmark of the Assyrian warrior culture that triumphed over most of the powerful Mesopotamian kingdoms in Asia by 8th century BC.

This is what historian Simon Anglim had to say about the ancient warrior culture of the Assyrians –

…regime supported by a magnificent and successful war machine. As with the German army of World War II, the Assyrian army was the most technologically and doctrinally advanced of its day and was a model for others for generations afterwards. The Assyrians were the first to make extensive use of iron weaponry [and] not only were iron weapons superior to bronze, but could be mass-produced, allowing the equipping of very large armies indeed.

5) The Scythian Warrior (circa 7th century – 3rd century BC) –

The Scythians modified some elements of the conventional corselet by arranging the metal (or leather) bits in a ‘fish scale’ like pattern. Angus McBride ilustrācija.

When it comes to the popular history of nomadic groups, tribes (and super-tribes) like Huns and Mongols have had their fair share of coverage in various mediums, ranging from literary sources to even movies. However, hundreds of years before the emergence of mixed-Huns, Turkic and Mongolic groups, the Eurasian steppes were dominated by an ancient Iranic people of horse-riding nomadic pastoralists.

These ‘horse lords’ dwelt on a wide swathe of the landmass known as Scythia since antiquity. Epitomizing the very dynamic scope of the nomadic lifestyle – covering an impressive spectrum from workmanship to warfare, they were thus known as the Scythians, the master horsemen, and archers of Iron Age.

And while the ‘Scythian Age’ only corresponded to the period between 7th century to 3rd century BC, the remarkable impression left behind by these warrior people was evident from the historic designation of (most of) Eurasian steppes as Scythia (or greater Scythia) even thousands years after the rise and decline of the nomadic group. Now a part of this legacy had to do with the incredible military campaigns conducted by the Scythians from the very beginning of their ‘brush’ with the global stage.

In fact, even during their earlier ascendancy, the Scythian warrior society was audacious enough to go into war with the sole superpower of the Mesopotamian region – Assyria. Now while Assyrian sources mostly keep mum about some of the presumed Scythian victories over them, it is known that one particular Assyrian monarch Esarhaddon was so desperate to secure peace with these Eurasian nomads that he even offered his daughter in marriage to the Scythian king Partatua. As for the effect of Scythian invasions on the realms of the Middle East, a biblical prophet summed up the baleful nature of the ferocious ‘horse lords’ from the north –

They are always courageous, and their quivers are like open grave. They will eat your harvest and bread, they will eat your sons and daughters, they will eat your sheep and oxen, they will eat your grapes and figs.

Oddly enough, while the socio-political effects of the Scythian incursions in the Middle East can be comprehended to some degree from contemporary (or near-contemporary) sources, historians are still mystified by the logistical and organizational capacity of the military of these nomads from the distant steppes. But it can be hypothesized that like most nomadic societies, the majority of the adult population was liable for military service (including some of the younger women or Amazons). Now the tactical advantage of such a scope translated to how the bulk of the early Scythians had mounted warriors – mostly lightly armored with leather jackets and rudimentary headgear.

Carrying weapons such as arrows, javelins, and even darts, the hardiness, mobility and unorthodox fighting methods espoused by these throngs of horsemen seemingly countered the more ‘sedentary’ battle tactics of the wealthy Mesopotamian civilizations. Furthermore, the light troops were backed up by a core force of heavily-armored shock cavalry that was usually commanded by the local princes – and they took to the battlefield for the killing blow after the perplexed enemy was both ‘softened’ by the projectiles and harassed by zig-zag maneuvers.

6) The Celtic Warrior (circa 6th century BC – mid 1st millennium AD) –

Celts were often lightly armored. Angus McBride ilustrācija.

As opposed to the more specific cultures mentioned in this list, the Celts rather represent various population groups that lived in different parts of Europe (and even Asia and Africa) after the late Bronze Age. Now in spite of their ambit of diverse tribes, the Celts spoke pretty much the same language, while also showcasing their definitive art styles and military tendencies for the most part of their history. Pertaining to the latter scope, the ancient Celtic warrior had the reputation of fearlessness and ferocity – qualities that were conducive to many close-combat scenarios. Suffice it to say, the Celts served as mercenaries in various parts of the known world, ranging from colonies in Anatolia to the service of the Ptolemaic ‘Pharaohs’ of Egypt.

As for the history of the Celtic armies, they made their presence felt in the Mediterranean theater when the Gauls led by their king Bran (Brennus), sacked Rome in 390 BC. The Celts even managed to plunder the sacred site of Delphi in Greece in 290 BC, on their way to Asia Minor. Mirroring the sense of dread, this is what Polybius had to say about the fierce Celtic warriors, circa 2nd century BC –

The Romans…were terrified by the fine order of the Celtic host, and the dreadful din, for there were innumerable horn -blowers and trumpeters, and…the whole army were shouting their war-cries…Very terrifying too were the appearance and the gestures of the naked warriors in front, all in the prime of life and finely built men, and all in the leading companies richly adorned with gold torcs and armlets.

Interestingly enough, while the popular notion of a Celtic warrior is often limited to the physically imposing infantryman brandishing his shield and sword, a few ancient accounts also talk about other types of Celtic soldiers and formations. For example, Julius Caesar described how some of his Gaulish foes used light chariots with impressive maneuvering skills on the battlefield. And even more than two centuries before Caesar’s time, Hannibal made use of heavy Celtic cavalrymen who were instrumental in dismantling their Roman counterparts in the Battle of Cannae.

7) The Dacian Warrior (513 BC – first mentioned by Herodotus early 2nd century AD, Trajan’s war with Dacians) –

A Dacian (on the right) vs. a Roman. Credit: Jason Juta

Trajan engaged the war with hardened soldiers, who despised the Parthians, our enemy, and who didn’t care of their arrow blows, after the terrible wounds inflicted by the curved swords of the Dacians.

This was the rhetoric uttered by Marcus Cornelius Fronto (in Principia Historiae II), and the statement pretty much sums up the presumably devastating effect of the Dacian ‘specialty’ weapon of falx. An Indo-European people, related to the Thracians, the Dacians inhabited the regions of the Carpathian mountains (mostly encompassing modern-day Romania and Moldova).

Interestingly enough, from the cultural perspective, they were influenced by the urbanized Hellenic neighbors to their south, the Celtic invaders from their west and the nomadic Scythians from the Eurasian steppes – thus leading to a unique admixture of martial traditions that was pronounced in their warrior culture.

Now from the archaeological perspective, the skilled Getae-Dacian craftsmen showcased their penchant for furnishing iron weapons, as is evident from the profusion of iron reduction furnaces found across the ancient lands inhabited by the people, circa 300-200 BC. Intriguingly, beyond the weapons manufacturing scope of the Dacians, there was a social angle to the warrior society of these people, aptly represented by the aforementioned falx – a scythe-like weapon that curved ‘inwards’ sharply at the tip.

In that regard, these scythes, with their ability to puncture both helmets and shields, probably had their origins in rudimentary agricultural tools used by the farmers. So simply put, the dual nature of this weapon-type rather mirrors the dual role played by the ordinary folks of the Dacian society who frequently had to don the mantle of soldiers and protectors.

They were also complemented by the perceived upper-classes of the Dacians society – men who were allowed to wear caps and keep long beards. Dedicating most of their time in pursuit of martial activities, the Dacian elite provided the warriors who filled the role of tribal warlords, officers and even reputable divisions within the army (often wearing Sarmatian style scale mail and hardy Thracian helmets, while being equipped with the deadly falx and smaller Sica). Moreover, there is also evidence of Dacian priests who used weapons like bows and spears in their rituals, thus suggesting how warfare was an intrinsic part of the Dacian culture.

8) The Roman Warrior (the ancient Roman Republic and Empire, 509 BC – 395 AD) –

Roman legionaries led by a centurion. Illustration by Peter Dennis. Credit: Warlord Games Ltd.

To talk about the ancient Romans in merely three paragraphs is indeed a fool’s errand. Nevertheless, as most history aficionados would know, the Romans in their greatest extent (circa 117 AD, the year of Emperor Trajan’s death) controlled the largest empire in the ancient world, stretching from Spain to Syria and Caucasus, and from North African coasts and Egypt to the northern confines of Britain. These conquests were all the more impressive considering Rome’s initial beginning (circa 9th-8th century BC) as a backwater region that was inhabited by cattle rustlers who made their camps and rudimentary dwellings among the hills and the swamplands.

Suffice it to say, the impressive conquests all over Europe, Asia and Africa were fueled by the ancient Roman warrior culture (and doctrine) that was based on sheer discipline and incredible organizational depth. This was complemented by the inherent Roman ability to adapt and learn from other military cultures.

Pertinent examples would include the initial Roman armies that were composed of ‘hoplites’ inspired by the Greeks of Magna Graecia. But over time they adopted maniples that were possibly influenced by other Italic people (and contemporary social conditions). Finally, this organizational scope gave way to legionaries, an ancient Roman equivalent of professional soldiery that was inspired by a mix of foreign influences, including that of Celts and Spaniards.

However, the greatest of Roman strengths probably pertained to their unflinching capacity to make ‘comebacks’ from balefully disastrous scenarios – because of a unique combination of (societal) logistics and warrior culture. A pertinent example relates to how the Battle of Cannae (a single encounter in 216 BC) possibly snatched away a significant chunk of the Roman male population. In terms of sheer numbers, the bloody day probably accounted for over 40,000 Roman deaths (the figure is put at 55,000 by Livy 70,000 by Polybius), which equated to about 80 percent of the Roman army fielded in the battle!

The male population of Rome in 216 BC is estimated to be around 400,000 and thus the Battle of Cannae possibly resulted in the deaths of around 1/10th – 1/20th of the Roman male population (considering there were also allied Italic casualties). So objectively, from the numerical context, the Romans lost anywhere between 5-10 percent of their male population in their bloodiest encounter for a single day. And yet they were ultimately victorious in the Second Punic War.

9) The Parthian Warrior (247 BC – 224 AD) –

Parthian cataphracts charging the Romans at the Battle of Carrhae (circa 53 BC).

The Parthians amalgamated the military tendencies of their nomadic brethren (like the Scythians) and the cultural legacy of the Achaemenid Persians. The result was a feudal society in the ancient times that was headed by powerful clans who maintained their political presence while granting autonomy to many urban and trading centers throughout the kingdom. As a consequence, the Parthian army was dominated by mounted warriors (an effect of their nomadic origins), with the core composed of the famed cataphracts un clibanarii – heavily armored horsemen mounted atop Nisean chargers. These chosen retinues of the nobles were often accompanied by a multitude of lightly-armed horse-archers.

At times, especially during periods of a protracted war with the Romans, the Parthians also fielded infantry – though they were usually of mixed variety, with preference given to the hardy hill-folks from northern Persia, who were often supplemented by the poorly armed urban militia.

In essence, the military of the Parthians mirrored the armies of Europe during the early middle-ages, where the military (and political) leadership was focused on heavily armed mounted warriors, while the rest of the army played a rather supporting role. And these feudal orientations actually allude to the warrior culture ingrained in Parthian military norms, where the ‘knightly’ armored horsemen epitomized the crème de la crème of the Persian society – a cultural legacy carried forth by the future Sassanians.

And since we brought up the conflict of the Parthians with the Romans, the Battle of Carrhae (53 BC) can be counted among the first instances when the Romans came across the might of heavy cavalry, which was certainly a departure from infantry-dominated European battlefields of the ancient era. In terms of figures, the Romans had seven legions along with seven thousand auxiliary forces and a thousand Gallic crack cavalrymen which came to around a total of 45,000 to 52,000 men. On the other hand, the Parthians had around a total of 12,000 soldiers with at least 9,000 of them being horse archers recruited from Saka and Yue-Chi people, and 1,000 being cataphracts (super-heavy cavalry).

The battle in itself proved the superiority in the mobility of the Parthian horsemen, as they unleashed a hail of arrows upon the constrained formations of the legionary forces. Fināls žēlastības apvērsums was delivered by 1,000 tightly-packed cataphracts atop their mighty Nicean chargers – when they broke the ranks of the disarrayed Romans, who were already afflicted by the elusive horse archers of the steppes. Unsurprisingly, the unexpected defeat had long drawn repercussions, with the Romans (and later Eastern Romans) in time adopting many of the shock cavalry tactics of their eastern neighbors.

10) The Lusitanian Warrior (circa 2nd century BC) –

Paulus Orosius, the Gallaecian Catholic priest, called the Lusitanian hero Viriatus ‘Terror Romanorum’.

Unlike the other ancient warrior cultures mention in this list, the Lusitani (Lusitanians) preferred special tactics used during protracted conflicts, which entailed the very concept of ancient guerrilla warfare. Roughly occupying most of modern Portugal (south of Douro river) along with the central provinces of Spain, the Lusitani were a part of the Celt-Iberian group.

And quite oddly, unlike their Gallic neighbors or even kingdoms from across the Mediterranean Sea, the Lusitanian tribes were never warlike in the proper sense of the word. However, they did show their military acumen and even might, when provoked – as was the case during the Hispanic Wars and the campaigns of Lusitanian hero Viriatus against Rome. It is estimated that the Romans and their Italic allies lost around an astronomical 200,000 soldiers during the 20-year period of war between 153-133 BC!

And even beyond figures, it was the unique essence of unconventional warfare that really made the ancient Celt-Iberians stand out from their contemporaries. As Polybius had noted – the Hispanic Wars were different because of their unpredictability, with Lusitanians and other Celt-Iberians adopting the tactic of ‘consursare‘ (which is sometimes described as ‘lack of tactics’) that involved sudden advancements and confusing retreats in the heat of the battle. Their warrior society also followed a cult of the trim physique, with body slimness being rather accentuated by wearing wide yet tight belts around the waist!

Moreover, many of Lusitani young warriors were known to be the ‘desperados’ of ancient times because of their penchant for gathering riches through robberies. And herein lied their cultural ability to conduct armed encounters even during times of peace. As Greek historian Diodorus Siculus said –

There is a custom characteristic of the Iberians, but particularly of the Lusitans, that when they reach adulthood those men who stand out through their courage and daring provide themselves with weapons, and meet in the mountains. There they form large bands, to ride across Iberia gathering riches through robbery, and they do this with the most complete disdain towards all. For them the harshness of the mountains, and the hard life they lead there, are like their own home and there they look for refuge…

Grāmatu atsauces: The Spartan Army (By Nicholas Secunda) / The Ancient Assyrians (By Mark Healy) / The World of the Scythians (By Renate Rolle) / Cannae: Hannibal’s Greatest Victory (By Adrian Goldsworthy) / Rome and her Enemies (Editor Jane Penrose)

And in case we have not attributed or misattributed any image or artwork, please let us know via the ‘Contact Us’ link, provided both above the top bar and at the bottom bar of the page. To that end, given the vast ambit of the internet and with so many iterations of the said image (and artwork) in various channels, social media, and websites it sometimes becomes hard to track down the original artist/photographer/illustrator.


A Countdown Through History’s Most Elite and Deadly Warriors

The Janissaries were forced to swear allegiance to the Sultan and to live a celibate life. Wikimedia Commons.

6. The Janissaries were Europe&rsquos first standing army, hired by the Sultan of the Ottoman Empire to protect him and forced to live a life of sacrifice and celibacy

Up until the 14 th century, there were no real standing armies in Europe instead, men would just be called up to fight as and when a king or lord needed them. Once a war was over, the men returned to their normal life. The Janissaries changed all this. They were not only the first modern standing army in all of Europe, they were also some of the most-disciplined soldiers the world had ever seen. Attached to the Sultans of the Ottoman Empire, they were subject to strict rules and regulations, making them reliable bodyguards and formidable opponents on the field of battle.

The Janissary unit was established towards the end of the 14 th century. The Sultan of the Ottoman Empire, Murad I, ordered that a group of Christian men taken as prisoner of war be converted to Islam and then serve as his personal soldiers. He was so impressed with the results of his little project that he ordered that it be repeated. So, whenever they got the opportunity, troops of the Ottoman Empire would take young Christian boys, usually from the Balkans region, make them convert, and then train them as soldiers.

Following on from the reign of Murad I, the unit grew in size and in strength. The Janissaries became known as the Sultan&rsquos most reliable fighting unit. They were known for their bravery and their speed. In a battle or siege, they would wait for the frontline troops to pierce a hole in the enemy&rsquos defenses and then they would attack, swarming in and showing no mercy with their bows or muskets. Such a tactic was particularly effective during the siege of Constantinople in 1453, and it also enabled the Ottoman Empire to defeat the Egyptian Mamluks &ndash themselves an elite group of warriors &ndash in 1467.

To maintain their discipline, Janissaries were forbidden from taking romantic partners. They were forced to live a life of celibacy. Moreover, they were expected to devote their lives, and their deaths, to the Sultan himself. In return, they were granted elevated status in the Empire, along with good pay and other benefits. Despite the celibacy rule, many regular soldiers and then civilians wanted to be part of the unit. By 1826, Sultan Mahmud II, anxious that the corps had forgotten its original purpose, had it disbanded. To make sure it was finished for good, he had more than 6,000 Janissaries executed.


The transcendence of a military culture to a military ‘caste&rsquo is a very subtle transition, but if one needs a definition of a military caste to work with, then look no further than the Samurai. When observance of the rituals of military culture become interchangeable with the rituals of religion, and when military regalia and weaponry became an artistic statement in themselves, then that is a military caste &ndash and that remains very much the methodology of the Samurai.

Samurai, as just about everyone knows, originated in Japan, and today forms the bedrock of the nation&rsquos political and business elite. The origins of Samurai can be traced to the Japanese ‘Heian Period&rsquo, between 794 and 1185 CE, during which time the term simply described the private armies of wealthy landowners. The word ‘Samurai&rsquo translates roughly to ‘Those Who Serve&rsquo, and early Samurai were no more than a group of armed retainers with simple and violent tendencies.

As was the case with the Mamluk, however, it was not long before a kind of group cohesion began to develop, gradually elevating the Samurai towards something a bit more than the sum of its parts. By the 12th century, the power balance in Japan began to shift away from the imperial court towards the heads of dispersed families and clans, and this inevitably led to war. Between 1180 and 1185, what was known as the ‘Gempei War&rsquo was fought. All that we need to know about this is that it projected a particularly gifted Samurai warlord, Minamoto Yoshitsune, to political power.

Japan then effectively became an hereditary military dictatorship, under a system of government known as a ‘Shogun&rsquo. Under numerous Shogun dynasties, the institution of Samurai became a virtual knighthood of privileged elites, practising a stylized and heavily ritualized system of military and combat discipline. Into the equation, at about the same time, came Zen Buddhism, the essential ideological elements of which blended very well with Samurai. Austerity and simple ritual, along with a belief that salvation comes from within, quickly became the center of Samurai expression.

As its essential symbol, the Samurai sword gained great symbolic relevance, far beyond its utility as an implement of war. The honor of a Samurai resides in his sword, and the artistic accomplishment in the production of an individual sword is of no less importance.

From this higher form of martial expression came the code of ‘Bushido&rsquo. Bushido is the defining moral code of Samurai, and of the Shinto region. Shinto is a wholly Japanese religion emphasizing the veneration of nature, of ancestors and great historic heroes, and the divinity of the Emperor.

Samurai, therefore, morphed over centuries from a band of hired enforcers to a finely tuned military culture that still holds dear its treasured rituals and artefacts, and adheres religiously to tradition.


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