Vai Anza precīzi ierakstīja, kas ieradās viņa ekspedīcijā?

Vai Anza precīzi ierakstīja, kas ieradās viņa ekspedīcijā?


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Pirmā Anzas ekspedīcija 1775. gadā Alta Kalifornijā atveda dažus no pirmajiem spāņu valodā runājošajiem kolonistiem. Pa ceļam piedzima vismaz viens bērns. Vai Anza vai kāds cits viņa partijā pierakstīja visu vārdus?


Jā. Ģimeņu saraksts ir pieejams ASV Nacionālā parka dienesta tīmekļa vietnē: https://www.nps.gov/juba/learn/historyculture/people.htm. Piezīme apakšā norāda: "*Šis saraksts ir pielāgots un neietver Indijas ceļvežus, vaqueros, mulaterus, kalpus un citus 1775.-76. Gada Anzas ekspedīcijas dalībniekus (ieskaitot tēvu Fontu un pašu Anzu)."


Plašāks saraksts ir pieejams dienasgrāmatās, kuras viņš glabāja visās ekspedīcijās. Tos varat lasīt spāņu valodā, kā arī tulkot angļu valodā Oregonas Universitātes Anzas projekta tīmekļa vietnē: http://anza.uoregon.edu/siteindex.html.


Ko šis spāņu misionārs un pētnieks mums mācīja par Sanbernardīno apgabala vēsturi

Tas bija 18. gadsimta spāņu misionārs un pētnieks tēvs Fransisko Tomass Hermenegildo Garss, kura dienasgrāmata palīdzēja mums izprast Sanbernardīno apgabala pirmsākumus un aizraujošo vēsturi.

Garss piedzima Villa de Morata del Conde ziemeļu centrālajā Spānijas teritorijā 1738. gada 12. aprīlī un bija pirmais zināmais pētnieks, kurš apmeklēja spēcīgā Mohave dzimteni. Viņš, iespējams, bija arī pirmais, kurš apceļoja Sanbernardīno apgabalu un atstāja savu pieredzi.

Tēvs Francisco Tomas Hermenegildo Garces (Nika Kataldo pieklājīgi)

Tēvs Garss, kurš tika norīkots misijā San Xavier del Bac netālu no tagadējās Tuksonas, iepriekš bija pavadījis kapteini Huanu Bautistu de Anzu pa sauszemes dienvidu maršrutu 1774. gadā - no Arizonas līdz San Gabrielas misijai.

Nākamā gada septembrī viņš atkal devās prom no Arizonas dienvidiem, šoreiz kā daļa no Anzas slavenās ekspedīcijas, kuras mērķis bija izveidot spāņu apmetnes Sanfrancisko līcī. Kad decembra sākumā ekspedīcija sasniedza Jumas ciematus Kolorādo upē, Garss saņēma atļauju palikt kopā ar cilti.

Nedaudz vēlāk, kā pavadoņi bija tikai indiāņu ceļveži un#8212, ieskaitot Sebastiānu Tarabalu, kuru viņš labi pazina no iepriekšējām Anzas ekspedīcijām, un franciskāņu draudze sāka savu episko izpēti.

Gārss sāka ceļot uz ziemeļiem gar Kolorādo upi līdz Mohave ciemiem. Atrodoties tur, viņš uzzināja par viņu tirdzniecību ar piekrastes ciltīm. Viņš pacēlās pa Mohave taku 1876. gada 1. martā, lai dotos ceļojumā pa Mohaves tuksnesi, San Bernardino kalniem un galu galā 24. martā sasniegtu San Gabrielas misiju. Viņš dokumentēja savus ceļojumus katru dienu. Šo nozīmīgo dienasgrāmatu (kas ietver arī citas ekspedīcijas 1775. un 1776. gadā) tulkoja un publicēja 1900. gadā Eliots Kouzs.

Pirmais takas posms veda no Mohave apmetnēm pie Kolorādo upes, netālu no tagadējās Needles pilsētas, pa kalnainu tuksneša posmu, kurā bija trīs laistīšanas bedres. Dienas brauciens ar nelielu ūdens daudzumu, un šī posma beigās bija Mojave upes izlietne pie Soda ezera.

Apskatiet Mohave taku, kas nokāpj no Monument Peak un nokļūst Devore. (Pieklājīgi no Nick Cataldo)

No Soda ezera taka atradās netālu no Mojave upes, un, tuvojoties Sanbernardīno kalniem, sekoja upes rietumu dakša, kas atrodas tālāk par Las Flores rančo. Kad tā beidzot izbrauca no Mohaves upes, taka iebrauca Sawpit Canyon un veda uz kalna virsotni. Taka nokāpa dienvidu nogāzē uz kores uz rietumiem no Velna kanjona, pagriezās uz rietumiem par Kabeļu kanjonu, šķērsoja Cajon pārejas apakšējo galu, šķērsoja Lytle Creek, veda cauri šodien Rancho Cucamonga un beidzot Klusajam okeānam.

“Šeit (netālu no Providences kalniem) es satiku četrus indiāņus, kuri bija ieradušies no Santaklaras uz satiksmi čaumalu krellēs. Viņiem līdzi nebija ne pārtikas krājumu, ne pat loku medībām. Ievērojot manu izbrīnu par to, ka nav nekā, ko ēst, viņi sacīja: „Mēs, jamajabi (mohāvi) varam izturēt badu un slāpes pat četras dienas,” lai es saprastu, ka viņi patiešām ir izturīgi vīrieši.

Pēc ceļojuma augšup pa Mohaves upi garām vairākām pamestām ciemata vietām, Garss sastapa lielu skaitu Vanjume cilts.

Vēsturiskās sabiedrības locekļi, tostarp Niks Kataldo, stāvot pa labi, strādā kopā ar savu tēvu Džonu, stāvot pa kreisi, un Veinu Hītonu, noliecoties pie pieminekļa, lai 1991. gadā augšāmceltu Gārsa-Smita pieminekli Monumenta virsotnes virsotnē. (Pieklājīgi no Nick Cataldo)

Kādā ciematā 19. martā, netālu no šodienas Helendāles, šefs pasniedza Gārčam apmēram divus jardus garu čaumalu pērlīšu virkni, bet viņa sieva pār Garšes galvu lēja ozolzīles un#8212 - cieņas pilnu sveicienu.

Padre savā dienasgrāmatā 20. martā atzīmēja ap 70 dvēseļu rančēriju un nākamajā dienā saskārās ar ap 80. Visticamāk, pirmais no šiem ciemiem bija Atongaibit, kas atrodas pie Mojaves upes netālu no šodienas Hesperijas, un otrais pazīstams kā Guapiabit, tagadējā Los Flores rančo Samita ielejā.

Pēc Gapiabitas atstāšanas 22. martā Garss turpināja ceļu, tagad daļēji iegremdēts zem Sudrabvudas ezera ūdeņiem līdz Sanbernardīno kalnu virsotnei, kas atrodas tā dēvētā pieminekļa virsotnes tuvumā.

Beikersfīldā tika uzcelta 18. gadsimta spāņu misionāra un pētnieka tēva Fransisko Tomasa Hermenegildo Garsa statuja. (Pieklājīgi no Nick Cataldo)

Ar skatu uz Sanbernardīno ieleju viņš savā dienasgrāmatā atzīmēja: “Pēc trim līgām es šķērsoju dienvidrietumu robežu. Meži, par kuriem es teicu vakar, sasniedza šīs sierras virsotni, no kurienes es skaidri redzēju jūru (Kluso okeānu), Rio de Santa Ana (Santa Ana upe) un Sanfrancisko ieleju (San Bernardino ieleja). ”

Nolaižoties pa grēdu starp Kabeļa un Velna kanjoniem, Garss rakstīja: “Tā nolaišanās ir maz meža. Nedaudz tālāk no tās pēdas es atradu citu rančeriju, kur indiāņi mani uzņēma ļoti priecīgi. ”

Apmeklējis šo Serrano ciematu, kas atrodas netālu no Cable un Cajon strautu krustojuma (šodienas Devore), viņš izgāja cauri San Bernardino ielejai un divas dienas vēlāk ieradās San Gabrielā.

1779. gadā Garss un Huans Diazi pie Kolumaras upes lejasdaļas pie Jumas krustojuma, Quechan (Yuma) cilts dzimtenē, nodibināja divas misijas baznīcas.

Diemžēl Garsam un viņa draugam agrāk miermīlīgā saikne ar Quechan cilti samazinājās, jo spāņu kolonisti pārkāpa līgumu, tostarp sagrāba labību un lauksaimniecības zemes.


Piedāvātie studentu emuāri

Šis būs mans pirmais starptautiskais ceļojums jebkad, tāpēc es jūtos diezgan satraukti, dodoties prom no valstīm un iegūt jaunu priekšstatu par Kenijas ainavu un kultūru, kā arī pat redzēt atšķirības (ja tādas ir) starp Amerikas lidostām un ārzemēm . Tāpēc es domāju, ka jūs varat teikt, ka esmu diezgan sajūsmā par šo pieredzi, taču šobrīd, kamēr es faktiski neesmu lidmašīnā un nokārtoju pārbaudi, neliela daļa manis joprojām saka: “šī iespēja nav reāla”, jo patiesībā lielākā daļa nevajag ceļot starptautiski, īpaši uz Āfriku. Nemaz nerunājot par to, ka lielākā daļa neceļo savā valstī, tāpēc es esmu ļoti pazemīgs, lai iegūtu iespēju piedzīvot kaut ko līdzīgu. Pašlaik man nav ne jausmas, kā šis ceļojums mani ietekmēs. Es domāju, ka, ja man ir ideja par ietekmi, tas, iespējams, var likt man cerēt uz to, ko es vēlos redzēt un / vai piedzīvot no šī ceļojuma. Godīgi sakot, es zinu, ka dzīve mainīsies, es vienkārši nezinu, ko gaidīt. Šobrīd es esmu ļoti atvērts jaunu lietu apgūšanai un iespējai redzēt caur jauniem objektīviem, kas, visticamāk, ļaus man citādi aplūkot pasauli.

Riley Vance - emuārs 2

Es neesmu redzējis lauvu un neesmu redzējis nūju kļūdu. Neskatoties uz šiem nelielajiem kritumiem, es nebūt neesmu vīlies. Mans pirmais brauciens ar lidmašīnu bija tikai piecas stundas, bet es biju pārliecināts, ka esmu miris un iekļuvis šķīstītavā. Ikvienam, kas to lasa, es tiešām neiesaku apvienotās aviokompānijas. Nākamie divi lidojumi tomēr nebija puslīdz slikti. Etiopijas aviosabiedrībām ir tendence jūs barot katru reizi, kad vien atverat muti. Arī filmas bija diezgan apmierinošas. 14 stundu lidojums, kas piepildīts ar Bladerunner 2048, Valtera Mitija slepeno dzīvi, Hobitu, vienu īsu dabas dokumentālo filmu par Etiopiju un nedaudz neveiklu klusumu, kas dalīts ar diviem, ne tik izejošiem, sēdošajiem draugiem. Uz papīra tas neizklausās pēc daudz laika, bet, kad jūs ar nepacietību gaidāt, kad pirmo reizi spersit kāju citā valstī, šīs 14 stundas sāk justies kā dienas vai pat nedēļas. Vēl viens īss lidojums no Adisabebas Etiopijā un drīz mēs bijām Nairobi.

Mans pirmais solis ārā no lidostas un manas cerības jau bija izpūstas. Es nezināju, ka šī būs vienmēr izplatīta tēma visā manā pirmajā pieredzē Āfrikas kontinentā. Dzīvojot Amerikā, ir viegli iegūt nepareizu priekšstatu par Āfriku. Populārie plašsaziņas līdzekļi rada iespaidu, ka Āfrika ir “tumšais kontinents”. Lielākoties mēs domājam par to kā par pavisam citu pasauli, kas atpaliek no laika, vairumā, ja ne, visos aspektos. Tikai tad, kad redzēju pats, es daudzos veidos sapratu, ka cilvēki šeit ir tādi paši kā mēs. Daudziem no viņiem ir vieni un tie paši tālruņi, viņi valkā vienādas drēbes un viņiem ir vienādi hobiji. Tomēr atšķirība starp cilvēkiem šeit ir tā laime, kas viņiem šķiet ir caur biezu un plānu. Patiesi smaidi, ko viņi saglabā, neraugoties uz sava veida likstām, kas varētu maksimāli nodrošināt amerikāņu nometšanos ceļos. Mēs skatāmies uz viņiem, it kā viņiem nekā nebūtu. Tomēr produkti, kuru viņiem trūkst, priekšmeti, kuri, mūsuprāt, sagādā mums prieku, ir tieši tas, kas neļauj mums zināt, ka aiz viņu smaidiem ir patiesība.

Mūsu pirmais galamērķis bija Wildebeest Eco Camp, un es sapratu, ka tas ir nekas cits kā slēgta un cenzēta Āfrikas versija rietumniekiem, kuri negribēja neko citu, kā tikai vēl vienu pārbaudi no spaiņu saraksta. Mēs palikām savās personīgajās “teltīs”, kas patiesībā bija viesnīcas numuri, kas izgatavoti no audekla. Numurā ir divas gultas un pilnībā aprīkota vannas istaba. Lai gan mums bija jābaro dažas žirafes, šī joprojām nebija tā Āfrika, kuru es gribēju redzēt. Tas vēl bija drīzumā.

Pēc vienas nakts Eko nometnē mēs jau devāmies uz nākamo galamērķi. Šis ir nākamais solis īstajos Āfrikas laukos. Pēc stundām ilgas braukšanas pa asfaltētiem ceļiem nokļuvām vietā, kur beidzās asfalts. Sākums manu iecienītāko lietu kolekcijai, kempings teltī, bezceļš un daudz dzīvnieku. Šis bija mūsu ceļojums uz Mpalas savvaļas dzīvnieku izpētes centru. Šī būs mūsu mājas bāze nākamajām divām naktīm, jo ​​mēs sēdējām dažās lekcijās par mājlopiem un bioloģisko daudzveidību un devāmies uz safari. Ar lielu veiksmi safari mēs redzējām vairākus ziloņus, nīlzirgus upē, kudu un pārāk daudz citu, lai tos saskaitītu. Noteikti diena, kuru es drīz neaizmirsīšu.

Lai gan laiks Mpala bija monumentāli neaizmirstams, tas bija īslaicīgs. Septiņos no rīta es pat neatceros, ka mēs izlidojām ar lidmašīnu līdz nākamajai pieturai - Turkana baseina institūtam (TBI). Skats no mazā dīķa piltuves bija neparasts. Kad es nelasīju grāmatu par TBI un tās veidotāju Ričardu Lokiju, es uzmanīgi skatījos pa logu uz Rifta ieleju. Kad mēs piezemējāmies un nokārtojāmies, mēs apskatījām objektu, kur mēs redzējām fosiliju pēc fosilijas, kas pirms 100 000 reižu bija pirms vecākās zināmās grāmatas. Lai gan šīs fosilijas bija diezgan ietekmīgas, ekskursijām un atpūtai bija maz laika, nodarbības sākās nākamajā rītā. Fosiliju rakšana prasa sagatavošanās gadus. Tomēr mums bija tikai nedēļa, kurā bija 8 vai vairāk stundu klases dienas, kam sekoja daži diezgan gari lasīšanas uzdevumi. Neskatoties uz intensitāti, es pametu katru nodarbību periodu ar pieaugošu vēlmi mainīt savu specialitāti uz antropoloģiju, ja ne kādu zemes zinātni. Bet to ir viegli pateikt, atrodoties klases komfortā. Šīs hipotēzes patiesais pārbaudījums vēl bija priekšā.

Otrdien, 10. jūnijā (es domāju), mēs pacēlāmies, lai būtu ārpus patiesā darījuma. Slimīgi bedrains sešu stundu brauciens līdz tuksneša vidum, lai apskatītu fosilijas. Vēl viens datums, kuru es nekad neaizmirsīšu, mūsu pašu sprieduma dienas versija. Atkal atpūta nebija risinājums. Brīdī, kad izkāpām no kravas automašīnas, mums bija jāveido nometne. Bija jābūvē teltis, nojumes, virtuve un dažas dušas. Tualetes, ko rakt, maisi, ko izpakot, izsalkuši vēderi, ko pabarot, bet pats galvenais - tas viss bija jāsteidz steigā, jo bija atrodamas fosilijas. Pēc nedēļas ilgas pārgājienu, meklēšanas, rakšanas, netīrumu un smilšu pārvietošanas, viss nepiedodamajā Āfrikas saulē (kad mūs neglāba mākoņi), varu droši apgalvot, ka jutos kā mājās. Es varētu palikt pie redzesloka gadiem, ja tikai kāds man atnestu sauļošanās eļļas bungu, kas sarunvalodā pazīstama kā Mazunga (balto cilvēku) sula.

Ir sagaidīti daži šī ceļojuma elementi, un daudzi no tiem mani ir atstājuši gandrīz bez vārda. Šajā ceļojumā esmu izjutis plašu emociju gammu ar maz laika, lai tās patiesi sajustu, parasti man ir pārāk daudz darba, lai domātu par kaut ko citu. Neskatoties uz to, ir daži mirkļi, kas atspoguļo šīs pieredzes emocijas.

Atrodoties safari Mpala, mēs nonācām 20 metru attālumā no buļļa ziloņa. Tā varētu būt mana dramatiskā puse, bet man šķita, ka tā izskatījās man acīs varbūt 10-20 sekundes, kas man bija visa dzīve. Spilgts piemērs brīdim, kas mani atstāja bez vārda. Gandrīz pat nekustīgi, jo šķita, ka visu manu spēku uzņemu, fotografējot, lai kādu dienu dalītos šajā pieredzē.

Mana nākamā pieredze notika TBI, kad manā kopmītnē ielidoja mazs neidentificēts putns. Putns atsitās pret logu un nokrita zemē, sagrābjoties uz grīdas. Kad tas atgriezās apziņā, es to uzmanīgi paņēmu un aiznesu līdz izlietnei, lai iegūtu ūdeni. Pēc kāda laika atguvis gultni, šķita, ka putns ir gatavs lidot prom. Tomēr šajā laikā tas pierada pie manis un kādu laiku sēdēja uz mana pleca, neskatoties uz spēju lidot. Lai gan man bija mazliet skumji atstāt putnu, man bija jāstrādā pie dažiem lasījumiem kafejnīcā. Es to atstāju uz dzegas blakus manai kopmītnei, lai tā varētu lidot prom, kad būs gatava. Pēc varbūt pusstundas darba viesistabā es atgriezos kopmītnē, un putns joprojām bija tur, kur es to atstāju. Man bija puse prāta ticēt, ka tas gaida, kad es atgriezīšos, pirms es aizbraucu. Es piegāju pie tā, pēdējo reizi iedevu viņam mājdzīvnieku uz galvas un, kad pagriezos, lai dotos uz savu kopmītni, tā aizlidoja. Es pat nezinu, kā izteikt to, ko jutu, bet tas noteikti bija kaut kas labs.

Skatoties, kā putns aizlido, es iegāju savā kopmītnē, lai sagatavotos nākamajai lieliskajai pieredzei. Mēs iekrāvāmies kravas automašīnā ar dažiem TBI darbiniekiem, lai dotos spēlēt futbolu ar vietējiem cilvēkiem, kas pazīstami kā Dasenech. Es sapratu, ka pēcpusdienā futbolu mīl un reliģiski spēlē gandrīz visās pasaules daļās, izņemot Ameriku. Lielākie amerikāņu futbolisti, šķiet, ir tādā pašā līmenī kā vidējais futbola spēlētājs lielākajā daļā citu vietu. Mūsu komandas vietējie iedzīvotāji bija mūsu vienīgā iespēja cīnīties, kā arī, cerams, apbrīnojamā aizsardzība, kuru jūs patiešām izpildījāt. Mēs pabeidzām spēli ar 2: 2, taču neatkarīgi no rezultāta tikai tikšanās ar cilvēkiem, kas veido Dasenech, bija pieredze pati par sevi. Es neesmu pārliecināts, vai mums būs laiks, bet es patiešām ceru, ka mēs varam pavadīt vēl kādu laiku, spēlējot tik lielisku sporta veidu ar patiesi neticamiem cilvēkiem.

Es nevarēju pateikt, kas veidos atlikušo dzīves mainīgo piedzīvojumu. Bet es zinu, ka tā arī turpmāk būs skaista pieredze, kas atstās paliekošu iespaidu uz to, kā es redzu pasauli. Es arī zinu, ka man būs iespēja apgaismot cilvēkus mājās un parādīt viņiem, ka, ja ir kāds “tumšais kontinents”, tas ir tas, uz kura mēs jau esam. Mums ir tik daudz ko mācīties no cilvēkiem, kuri, mūsuprāt, mums visvairāk jāmāca.

Naomi Heisa - emuārs 3

Tā kā mūsu pēdējā nedēļa steidzami prezentē sevi un mana nodaļa šeit, Turkānā, Kenijā, tuvojas beigām, man šķiet, ka man ir ļoti atšķirīgas sajūtas. Uzskats, kas ir spēcīgi dominējis, atspoguļojot manu sākotnējo laika, pazemības un aizraušanās priekšstatu maiņu un rekonstrukciju. Iespējams, ja es pārfrāzētu, pareizāk būtu teikt, ka sākotnējās domas saskaņošana ar apziņas paaugstināšanos. Tagad rodas jautājums - no kurienes radās šī pāreja no sākotnējās domas uz pārveidojošo domu? Kas mani iedvesmoja šajā brīdī virzīties uz priekšu? Tā kā mēs ieejam jautājumā par laiku, es varētu sākt ar to. Pēdējās nedēļas laikā, kad es biju Bulukā, es un mani klasesbiedri bijām nospiesti gandrīz visvairāk, kā esam bijuši visā mūsu uzturēšanās laikā. No neticami sausa karstuma, pastāvīga slodze mūsu muskuļiem no ilgstošas ​​pārgājienu augšup un lejup pa kalniem un netīrumu izplatīšanas, kā arī fosiliju meklēšana. Es atklāju, ka man ir ārkārtīgi daudz laika, lai pārdomātu, un šķiet, ka nemitīga doma manā prātā palika nemitīgā domā. Tā kā man sāp muskuļi un man uz pieres plūst nepārtraukts sviedru daudzums, es sāku domāt, cik stundas esam bijuši Bulukā un cik daudz laika esam pavadījuši šo fosiliju rakšanai. Īsumā zem elpas es sāku mīļu čukstu, ka tai jābūt bezgalīgai, saspringtajām un gandrīz bezjūtīgajām stundām, ko esam pavadījuši strādājot no saullēkta līdz pēcpusdienai.

Šī atziņa kļuva gandrīz noteikta pirms atgriešanās Turkana baseina institūtā (TBI). Tomēr, ierodoties TBI, es saņēmu tik laipnu iespēju palīdzēt šefpavāram, gatavojoties vakariņām. Viņu sauca Edvīns, un viņš bija trīs bērnu tēvs, viņš apmēram piecpadsmit gadus strādāja TBI, vienlaikus būdams personīgais šefpavārs Ričarda Lokija meitai Luī Līkijai. Viņš ir augstākais šefpavārs, un viņam ir trīs studenti, kuri pie viņa strādā trīs līdz piecus gadus. Ņemot vērā iespēju tikties ar Edvīnu, svētlaimīga mijiedarbība bija tik tīra un nesavtīga. Jāatzīst, ka man izdevās viņu diezgan labi iepazīt īsā laika posmā, kas tika veltīts sarunai ar viņu. Viņš man pauda, ​​ka viņam patīk būt šefpavāram un ka viņam ir cerības kādu dienu kopā ar ģimeni atvērt savu mazo restorānu Nairobi. Tomēr, pirms viņa sapnis var kļūt par realitāti, viņš koncentrējas uz savu bērnu uzņemšanu privātskolās un vislabākās izglītības nodrošināšanu. Starp visiem priekšmetiem, par kuriem mēs runājām, viņš man sāk stāstīt savu darba grafiku. Parasti viņš strādā sešpadsmit stundas, no pulksten pieciem no rīta līdz deviņiem naktī. To dzirdot, es biju neizpratnē un absolūtā histērijā, kā paliek prātīgs, strādājot tik garas stundas un nekad neļaujot viņu smaidam bēgt no sejas. Es uzskatu, ka tā ir mana sākotnējā koncepcija laiks atvasināts vairāk, tāpēc to var savīt arī ar pazemības ideju. Visu mūžu es biju pārliecināts, ka laiks sver vienādi un daudziem no mums ir vienāds jūgs. Ja es strādātu astoņu stundu maiņā, es, visticamāk, būtu izjutis biedējošu pilnīga izsīkuma sajūtu un kādu aizkaitināmību lielāko daļu laika to būtu jutuši arī mani kolēģi. Bet Edvīnam laiks bija atšķirīgs. Tas netika mērīts tikai ar stundām, minūtēm vai pat dienām, ko viņš pavadīja šajā virtuvē, tas bija saistīts ar to, ko viņš gribēja paveikt, ko viņš gribēja iemācīt un kā viņš gribēja atstāt savu nospiedumu. Pavārmāksla tomēr bija viņa aizraušanās, taču viņš netiecās pēc tūlītēja apmierinājuma, un viņš apzinās savas ģimenes prioritāti, kas vienmēr ir pirmajā vietā. Turklāt es atkal atklāju šo mierinošo sajūtu. Ideja pazemīgi ieiet savās svētībās un neparedzēt vai negaidīt, ka tas notiks “laikā”, jo jūs to vēlaties. Kas atzinīgi novērtēja izpratnes vilni vai, vēl jo vairāk, mūsu tiesību un alkatības atzīšanu Amerikā. Mums ir tik spēcīga ideoloģija “ja man tās nav tagad, es to nevēlos”, kas ved mūs uz pastāvīgu ceļu uz nekurieni. Es atceros citātu no mācītāja no Oklahomas Maikla Toda, un viņš saka: “Nav ilgi jāgaida, tas ir tu gaidi". Šis citāts attiecas uz mani, jo tas aptver pazemības un pacietības ierašanos jūsu mērķos un sapņos bez aptumšotas mentalitātes, gaidot laiku, lai to sniegtu jums ātrāk.

Tomēr sākotnējais jautājums joprojām paliek, no kurienes radās šī pāreja no sākotnējās domas uz pārveidojošo domu? Kas mani iedvesmoja šajā brīdī virzīties uz priekšu? Tas mani aizved līdz pēdējam punktam, kaislībai. Kā iepriekš minēts iepriekšējos punktos, Edvīnam bija tik spēcīga zīme uz manu uztveri, kad runa bija par laiku un pazemību. Papildus tam saruna ar profesoru Jesaju Nengo arī noveda mani pie nepatīkamas perspektīvas. Tā kā ir jūtams, ka mēs (afroamerikāņi) esam dzimuši sistēmā, kas institucionāli un sistemātiski ir pret mums, brutālā sociālā kontrole, kas mūsdienās ir iestrādāta mūsu sabiedrībā un kultūrā, neizbēgami atspoguļo mūsu pagātni. Pašlaik mēs turpinām risināt rasu neizpratni un lineārās hierarhijas Amerikā un Āfrikā. Pēc incidenta ar citu personu nometnē tā aizgāja ar neierobežotu niknuma un dusmu sajūtu. Es jutu pazīstamo jutīgumu, ko tik viegli varu saņemt atpakaļ Amerikā. Emocijas, kad baltais supremātists vicina savu karogu, ir ⅔ cilvēks, tiek kastrēts un medīts. Es to visu jutu, melnādainās sievietes dusmas kuplināja viņas senči. Tomēr es visas šīs dusmas ievietoju neatpazīstamās plaukstās kādam, kurš to nebija pelnījis. Es ļāvu sevi iedarbināt citas būtnes satverošajiem vārdiem, un tas mani attālināja no mana noteiktā mērķa. Ja es ļauju bezsamaņā esošiem prātiem novirzīt mani no manas kaislības un mērķa, nekā es ļauju viņiem savu dvēseli. Verdzība šodien ir daudzu afroamerikāņu vispārēja domāšana, un mums ir jāatsauc mūsu stāstījums. Tātad, mēs visi, ko esmu izturējis pagājušajā nedēļā vai pat pēdējās skatu dienās, mans prāts ir sasniedzis tādu apziņas un apziņas līmeni, kuru plānoju virzīt tālāk. Mēs turpinām šo pārvērtību, un es priecājos redzēt, kur tas mani aizvedīs nākamajā nedēļā.

Raynesha Dawson - emuārs 2

Godīgi sakot, es nezināju, ko gaidīt. Esmu bijis Āfrikā apmēram divas nedēļas, un mana līdzšinējā pieredze ar cilvēkiem ir bijusi pārsteidzoša. Viņi ir tik jauki un šķiet patiesi priecīgi mūs redzēt, katru reizi, kad braucam pa cilvēkiem un ciemiem, viņi vienmēr vicinās, atzīstot mūsu klātbūtni un viesmīlību. Godīgi sakot, es ierados Āfrikā, jo vēlējos iepazīt kultūru un uzzināt par dažādām Kenijas tradīcijām. Amerikā afroamerikāņi nezina un nepraktizē nevienu no mūsu senču Āfrikas tradīcijām. Iemesls tam ir tas, ka viss, ko mēs jebkad esam zinājuši, tika atņemts no mums, tiklīdz verdzībā nonākušie afrikāņi spēra kāju pa "amerikāņu" augsni. Sākot ar mūsu apģērbu, valodu, vārdiem un beidzot ar reliģiju, kas tika praktizēta. Ja atnākšana šajā ceļojumā bija veids, kā atjaunot saikni un saprast mazliet īstu Āfrikas kultūru, es biju par to.

Man par pārsteigumu, apmeklējot MPALA pētījumu centru, manas dusmas sasniedza visu laiku augstāko punktu. Es biju tik dusmīga, ka varēju tikai raudāt. Apmeklējot šo skaisto 48 000 hektāru zemes, kas piepildīta ar dažādiem eksotiskiem dzīvniekiem, piemēram, lauvām, zebrām, antilopēm, ziloņiem uc izvaroja un dehumanizēja viņus. Vēlāk, sapratuši, ka tas, ko viņi dara, ir nepareizi, viņi pēc tam mēģināja Kenijas tautu atdot atpakaļ tiem piederošo zemi. Tad es sāku domāt par to, kā eiropieši kolonizēja tik daudzus citus krāsainus cilvēkus un visas sāpes, ko viņi ir radījuši, turpinot radīt vairāk sāpju. Esmu jautājis vairākiem vietējiem iedzīvotājiem par verdzību, un viņi man teica, ka viņi zināja, ka eiropieši ņem vergus, bet viņi padziļināti nezināja, no kā sastāv verdzības periods. Šī ir viņu vēsture, verdzības periods ir liels iemesls, kāpēc Āfrika atrodas tādā stāvoklī, kādā tā atrodas. Ņemiet vērā, ka transatlantiskā vergu tirdzniecība bija traumatiskākā lieta, kāda jebkad notikusi Rietumu puslodē. Šis laika posms bija tik traumatisks Āfrikas tautai, ka viņiem burtiski vajadzēja aizmirst notikušo, lai tiktu galā ar ciešanām un mokām, kas viņiem tika nodarītas.

Tomēr Kenijas tautā visvairāk mīlu un apbrīnoju to, ka viņi joprojām staigā apkārt ar vislielākajiem smaidiem sejā. Viņi ir tik izturīga cilvēku grupa, jo neatkarīgi no apstākļiem viņi katru dienu mostas gatavi izmantot labāko no tā, kas viņiem ir, un turpina stumt, stāvot kopā kā viens. Godīgi sakot, es nevaru neko nedarīt, bet to cienīt, un, kad vien esmu guvusi iespēju, es runāju ar vīriešiem, kuri mums palīdz šajā ceļojumā. Es mācos par to, kas viņi ir par cilvēkiem, viņu tradīcijām, sapņiem, kas viņiem patīk, kas nepatīk, un tieši tāpēc es ierados šajā ceļojumā, lai gan galvenais mērķis bija studēt antropoloģiju. Viņu smaidi ir viss, tik skaisti smaidi un viņi ir tik draudzīgi, man pūst prātā, cik laipni viņi ir viss, kam viņi ir gājuši cauri.

Vismazāk šajā braucienā izbaudu faktisko rakšanu un primātu meklēšanu. Mēs burtiski ejam ārā, ilgi meklējot fosilijas, cenšoties atšķirt akmeņus no kauliem. Es neesmu arheologs un neesmu antropologs. Es nicinu tādu primātu meklēšanu, kas mani nemaz neinteresē šajā darba jomā, lai gan es zinu, ka tieši to mēs darījām, kad pierakstījos. Nedomāju, ka tas būs tik intensīvi. Tas noteikti ir izaicinājums, taču šķiet, ka es nevaru izbaudīt šo programmas daļu. Tas, kas mani turpina, ir kursabiedri, kas arī ieradās šajā ceļojumā, jo tas nebūtu viņiem, tā būtu nepatīkama pieredze. Es noteikti iesaku nākamajiem pretendentiem patiešām izpētīt studiju programmu ārzemēs, kuru viņi vēlas apmeklēt, jo, ja ne, viņi būs ļoti vīlušies. Man jātiek cauri, jo mums ir atlikušas tikai divas nedēļas, un es esmu tik tuvu finiša taisnei.


Leģendārās Kolorādo dienvidu takas

1300. gados Taosas Pueblo indiāņiem Kolorādo dienvidos bija labi izveidota medību un tirdzniecības taku sistēma. Ilgi pirms Koronado vīru "atklāšanas" 1540. gadā, Taosas indiāņi bija plaši pazīstami kā apdāvināti tirgotāji un bija slaveni ar saviem reģionālajiem gadatirgiem. Viņi darbojās saskarnē starp mazkustīgas dzīves produktiem: podiem, kukurūzu un kokvilnas audumu un mednieka dzīves produktiem: gaļu un jēlādām.

Spāņu agrīnā iekļūšana Kolorādo dienvidos nav labi reģistrēta, vai arī viņu ieraksti nebija labi saglabāti. Pirmajiem Ņūmeksikas amerikāņu teritoriālajiem gubernatoriem patika izmantot vecos spāņu dokumentus, lai aizdedzinātu cigārus un iekurtu ugunskurus savos kiva kamīnos. Ir pieraksti par Dona Huana Oņates vīru ekspedīciju Sanluisas ielejā 1598. gadā. Ute indiāņu cilts smējās, vērojot viņus, kad viņi mēģināja savaldīt bifeļu ganāmpulku eksperimentālai pieradināšanas programmai. Spāņu centieni saskārās ar tik lielu bifeļu pretestību, ka vairāki vīrieši tika ievainoti un vairāki zirgi nogalināti.

Huans Archuleta ceļoja līdz Arkanzasas upei, meklējot bēguļojošos Taos indiāņus 1660. gados. Indiāņi bija aizbēguši pēc neveiksmīgas sacelšanās un meklēja drošību starp El Cuartelejo (brīvo apašu cilšu federāciju gar Arkanzasu) apačiem. 1706. gadā Huans de Ulibarri arī devās uz El Cuartelejo, lai izgūtu Picuris indiāņus. Apači lūdza viņu palikt un cīnīties ar saviem ienaidniekiem - Pawnees. Ulibarri aizgāja, sakot, ka nevar vadīt savus karaspēkus kaujā bez bungas un bungas.

Gubernators Valverde 1719. Saskaņā ar viņu ziņojumu Valverdes 600 cilvēku ballīte šajos svētkos lieliski pavadīja laiku ar daudzām medībām, vienlaikus centīgi izvairoties no jebkāda kontakta ar naidīgajiem komančiem. Vienīgais sliktais laiks viņiem bija, kad viņi iekļuva dažās indīgās efejās un lāči ēda pusdienas.

1720. gadā Dons Pedro de Villasurs devās uz Platte ziemeļu dakšiņu, lai izpētītu baumas, ka francūži piegādā Paveniem ieročus un mudina Pawnees uzbrukt spāņu apmetnēm. Baumas bija patiesas: Villasurs un viņa vīri tika nogalināti un skalpēti, kad Pawnees gulēja blakus upei.

Visu šo grupu maršruti bija atšķirīgi, lai gan lielākā daļa no tiem šķērsoja Sangre de Cristo kalnus virs Taos pārejas, pirms devās uz ziemeļiem, lai šķērsotu Ratonas kalnus tagadējā Kolorādo apgabalā. 1749. gadā Taosā tika arestēta franču tirgotāju grupa, un tiesas procesā viņi liecināja, ka viņus pār Sangre de Cristo pāreju vadīja komanči, kuri izmantoja caurlaidi, lai iebruktu Jaunās Meksikas apmetnēs un tirgotos ar Taosas indiāņiem kopš 1720. gadiem. Maršruts bija pakāpenisks un salīdzinoši viegls Sangre de Cristo's šķērsojums, kāpjot gar Dienvidu Oak Creek no Huerfano upes virs Sangre de Cristo pārejas, lejup pa Sangre De Cristo Creek līdz San Luis ielejai un tad lejup pa ieleju līdz Taosai.

1768. gadā spāņi izmantoja šo jauno ceļu savā soda ekspedīcijā pret komančiem Arkanzasā. Gubernators Huans Bautista de Anza šādā veidā ieradās uz dienvidiem pēc tam, kad bija uzvarējis komančus un nogalinājis viņu priekšnieku Kuerno Verdi līdzenumos Grīnorna kalna pakājē. Braucot uz ziemeļiem, lai dotos kaujā, de Anza bija atzīmējis arī maigo Kočetopas pāreju Sanluisas ielejas rietumu pusē, paziņojot, ka šīs pārejas būs impērijas ceļi, pa kuriem reģionu atrisinās Spānija.

1806. gadā leitnants Zebulons Pīks kļuva par pirmo oficiālo amerikāņu pētnieku, kurš ienāca Kolorādo. Viņa ballīte sekoja Arkanzasas upei līdz pat Dvīņu ezeru apkārtnei, pirms nolaidās upē līdz Karaliskajai aizai, pēc tam dodoties augšup pa Vīnogu līci un nokļūstot Mitrā kalna ielejā. Pēc tam viņi devās pāri Medano vai Moskas pārejai Sanluisas ielejā pie Lielajām smilšu kāpām. Pa ceļam atstājis virkni sasalušu un izsalkušu vīriešu, Pike nokļuva līdz Conejos upes grīvai. Viņam bija laiks uzbūvēt nelielu krājumu, pirms ieradās spāņu dragūni, un aizveda viņu uz Santafē nopratināšanai, bet pēc tam uz Čivavu pirms atgriešanās Luiziānā un Amerikas pierobežā.

Pēc Pikes nāca kažokādu ķērāji (amerikāņu, franču un citi). Although everything south of the Arkansas was claimed by Spain, the trappers worked the area freely. As the nearest customs officials were in Santa Fe, Taos became a commercial center for outfitting the trappers and for trading in their pelts. The route over Sangre de Cristo Pass became known as the Trappers Trail and fingers of it extended northward into Wyoming.

In 1821, Mexico declared its independence from Spain and threw open the doors for trade. William Becknell was poised at the border on the Arkansas and quickly made his way up the Purgatoire River and over one of the Raton passes (San Franciso, Long's Canyon, Raton Pass, Emery Gap, we don't know which). As the first trader into Santa Fe, he made an outrageous fortune. Then he hurried back to Missouri for more goods, establishing the Cimarron Cutoff on the Santa Fe Trail along the way. As these trails were not one-way, over the next 10 years Americans moved more and more goods west and Mexicans moved more and more goods east.

By the early 1830's, small trading posts began to show up, the biggest one being Bent's Fort, established in 1833 by William and Charles Bent and Ceran St. Vrain on the upper Arkansas. Bent's Fort became the center of a huge trading empire and a favorite haunt of the Plains Indians, mountain men and Santa Fe Trail traders. To reach their interests in Santa Fe and Taos, Bent, St. Vrain and Co. used the trail along Timpas Creek to the Purgatoire River and then over Raton Pass, the route that came to be known as the Mountain Branch of the Santa Fe Trail.

Quite often folks would follow the Arkansas to the confluence with the Fountain near the site of Pueblo where they came to the Trappers Trail. Others would follow the Huerfano River Trail to its junction with the Trappers Trail at Badito. Going this way a horseback rider could make it from Bent's Fort to Taos in only 3 days.

By the early 1840's the beaver trade had collapsed. In 1842, a group of traders (including George Simpson, Joseph Doyle and Alexander Barclay) built Fort Pueblo near the junction of Fountain Creek and the Arkansas River. The traders wanted pelts and buffalo robes and offered guns, coffee, sugar, flour, copper kettles and cloth in trade. What the Indians really wanted, though, was Taos whiskey. Simeon Turley had started a distillery north of Taos, at Arroyo Hondo, about 1831. In 1836 Turley hired a tee-totalling ex-trapper named Charles Autobees as a travelling salesman. Autobees would pack mule trains with flour and Taos Lightning and head north on the Trapper's Trail, sometimes going as far as certain trading posts on the South Platte. Then he would load the pelts and robes he got on a wagon at Pueblo and take them to Missouri over the Santa Fe Trail. Pretty much everything he did for a living was illegal by somebody's rules but neither the Mexican nor the American authorities was willing or able to enforce the law. The Mexican War changed all this.

Stephen Watts Kearny and his Army of the West came through Colorado on the Mountain Branch of the Santa Fe Trail and headed south over Raton Pass in 1846. He claimed New Mexico for the United States in a bloodless coup. A few months later came the Taos Uprising: a mob of Taos Indians and Mexicans killed all the Americans and other foreigners they could find, including Governor Charles Bent, Simeon Turley, Luc Beaubien (of the Miranda-Beaubien Land Grant), and a host of others. Dick Green (Governor Bent's personal black slave) was in Santa Fe and returned to Taos a few days later with reinforcements. The fighting was fierce but when it was over, the Americans were in charge. When Dick Green got back to Bent's Fort, William Bent emancipated him and his family as reward for Dick's courage and dedication.

In November of 1848, John Fremont arrived in Pueblo to mount his fourth Western expedition: he wanted to cross the Rockies in the winter. They left town and headed up the Arkansas and then up Hardscrabble Creek to the Wet Mountain Valley. They travelled south in the valley and probably crossed Mosca Pass into the San Luis Valley before getting lost on the way to Cochetopa Pass. They ate their mules, then their leather belts and mocassin soles. 10 men died during the retreat. There were stories of cannibalism. The ones who survived dug their way through 30 foot snow drifts with cooking pots and dinner plates but they finally made it to safety in Red River, New Mexico.

In 1852 the federal government established Fort Massachusetts at the base of Mt. Blanca to deal with problems caused by restless Apaches and Utes. The site overlooked the San Luis Valley entrance to the Sangre de Cristo Pass. In 1858 the fort was relocated 6 miles south to Fort Garland.

In 1853 Capt. John Gunnison headed up the Huerfano River to Badito and then over the Sange de Cristo Pass. The route was easy, even crossing Cochetopa Pass was uneventful. By October they were in Sevier Lake, Utah. Then, emerging from his tent at sunrise one day, Gunnison took 15 arrows from a group of Pahvant Utes. The whole expedition was wiped out.

In December, 1853, Fremont, on his fifth and final expedition, headed up the Huerfano River into the Wet Mountain Valley where they crossed over Medano Pass to the Great Sand Dunes. This time he got across Cochetopa Pass easily and made it to Utah before a severe winter storm stopped him. Again the men ate their mules while listening to Fremont lecture about the evils of cannibalism. Finally, one of the men died and the rest decided to abandon their supplies and move on. The whole expedition fell apart when they reached the Mormon settlements.

The Gold Rush of 1859 brought a new rush of traffic along the trails. Several military forts were built along the Arkansas between 1860 and 1867. In 1866, "Uncle Dick" Wootton finished his toll road over Raton Pass. Charles Goodnight blazed a cattle trail over nearby Trinchera Pass in 1867 to avoid paying the toll on Wootton's Raton Road. Further east is Toll Gate Canyon, a favorite haunt of outlaws and highwaymen. Black Jack Ketchum and his gang gained a lot of notoriety for their work in this area.

A stage route from Boggsville up the Purgatoire River Trail to Trinidad was opened in 1871. In the mid 1870's, the Sanderson-Barlow Stage Line ran service from Denver to Santa Fe through Pueblo, Trinidad and Las Vegas, and another stage line ran from Cucharas (a railroad town northeast of Walsenburg) to Lake City in the San Juan Mountains.

In 1877 the Denver and Rio Grande Railroad blasted its way over La Veta Pass and connected Walsenburg with the San Luis Valley. In 1878 the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe arrived in Trinidad. They bought the rights to Wootton's Toll Road and laid tracks over Raton Pass, arriving in Lamy, the nearest station to Santa Fe on February 16, 1880. That pretty well marked the end of the big trail days.


HistoryLink.org

On November 19, 1805, Captain William Clark (1770-1838) of the Lewis and Clark Expedition visits the future site of Long Beach. Clark records in his journal that at the most northerly point the expedition reached on the Pacific coast he inscribed "my name on a Small pine, the Day of the month & Year, Etc." (Reuben Gold Thwaites, 236). The tree will be lost, but a bronze sculpture placed along the Discovery Trail in Long Beach in 2003 will commemorate Clark's visit and mark the tree's approximate location.

Clark Reaches the Pacific

The Lewis and Clark Expedition, also known as the Corps of Discovery, traveled by land across North America in 1804 and 1805. Before deciding to build its winter fort on the south side of the Columbia River, the Corps explored the north side, land now part of Washington state. William Clark, one of the captains leading the expedition, took 11 men from their camp at McGowan, Station Camp, and traveled overland to the ocean beach, stopping to camp overnight near present-day Ilwaco. In his journal, Clark wrote, "Men appear much satisfied with their trip, beholding with estonishment the high waves dashing against the rocks of this emence Ocian" (Reuben Gold Thwaites, 234).

Clark's party walked up the sandy beach from Beard's Hollow to the northern side of today's Long Beach. Their route would have been farther inland than the beach we see today because in the intervening centuries sand accretion has added significantly to the shore. The group followed a long-used "highway" on which Indians took advantage of the beach's expanse of hard-packed, wet sand for easy travel between the Columbia River and Willapa Bay.

Before turning back to Station Camp, Clark inscribed his name and the date on a pine tree. Meriwether Lewis (1774-1809) and Clark inscribed their names and the dates at a number of locations along their route, both to mark their presence for posterity and to bolster American claims to the contested lands west of the Rockies, north of the Spanish colonies, and south of the Russian colonies -- today's British Columbia and Pacific Northwest.

The Corps Remembered

Americans would not return to the peninsula for several decades. In the 1850s and 1860s farmers began to claim land in the area and a stagecoach ran along the beach between Ilwaco and Oysterville, at the northern end of the peninsula.

The tree on which Clark had placed his initials was removed, some suspect, by an unwitting road crew many years ago and is lost. In 2000, in preparation for the bicentennial of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, the cities of Long Beach and Ilwaco and the Washington State Parks & Recreation Commission, working with the Washington State National and Air National guards and the Oregon National Guard, began work on the Discovery Trail. The 8.5-mile trail follows the Clark group's route from Baker Bay on the Columbia River to Long Beach.

In Long Beach the trail follows the city's boardwalk. At approximately the northern terminus of Clark's walk on the peninsula stands Clark's Tree, a bronze sculpture of a pine-tree snag by Utah artist Stanley Wanlass (b. 1941). Wanlass inscribed the tree trunk with the phrase, "William Clark. November 19, 1805. By land from the U. States," which is believed to be what Clark carved into the pine.

Two other sculptures elsewhere on the Discovery Trail depict Clark and a sturgeon he found on the beach. A reconstructed gray whale skeleton stands in for a whale carcass that Clark's group came upon during their visit. At the Ilwaco end of the trail, on the waterfront, a sculpture of a California condor depicts the birds that Clark identified as buzzards.

William Clark (1770-1838), ca. 1810

Portrait by Charles Willson Peale, Courtesy National Park Service

Historical reenactment,Clark's Tree sculpture dedication, Long Beach, November 8, 2003

Sculpture by Stanley Wanlass, Photo Courtesy National Park Service

Clark's Tree (Stanley Wanlass, 2003), Long Beach, 2015


Commissioning and preparation

On January 18, 1803, U.S. Pres. Thomas Jefferson sent a secret message to Congress asking for $2,500 to send an officer and a dozen soldiers to explore the Missouri River, make diplomatic contact with Indians, expand the American fur trade, and locate the Northwest Passage (the much-sought-after hypothetical northwestern water route to the Pacific Ocean). The proposed trip took on added significance on May 2, when the United States agreed to the Louisiana Purchase—Napoleon’s sale of 828,000 square miles (2,100,000 square km) of French territory for $27 million. Jefferson, who had already sponsored several attempts to explore the West, asked his personal secretary, Meriwether Lewis, to lead the expedition. Lewis was dispatched to Philadelphia for instruction in botany, celestial navigation, medicine, and zoology. He also purchased supplies and spent $20 on a Newfoundland dog, Seaman.

Lewis procured weapons at Harpers Ferry, Virginia (now in West Virginia), supervised the construction of a 55-foot (17-metre) keelboat, and secured smaller vessels, in addition to designing an iron-framed boat that could be assembled on the journey. As his co-commander he selected William Clark, who had been his military superior during the government’s battles with the Northwest Indian Federation in the early 1790s. The U.S. secretary of war denied Lewis’s request of a shared command, but Captain Lewis and Lieutenant Clark chose to address one another as “captain” to hide this fact from the other members of the expedition. For his part, Clark recruited men in Kentucky, oversaw their training that winter at Camp River Dubois in Illinois, and served as the expedition’s principal waterman and cartographer.


10 Mistakes That Caused the Most Punishing Nature Expedition in History

One hundred years before the premiere of Fox's new timey-wimey TV series, one of the most punishing nature expeditions ever undertaken also went by the name of Terra Nova. The ill-fated Antarctic excursion was led by explorer Robert Falcon Scott, who was determined to lead the first successful adventure to the South Pole.

Scott and his party would reach their goal malnourished and exhausted on January 17th, 1912 — but they arrived 33 days pēc a team led by Norwegian explorer Roald Amundsen, and Scott's entire crew would perish on the return journey. Amundsen's team not only handled the expedition with greater ease, it also emerged from the expedition without the loss of a single human life. Let's examine ten of the deadliest mistakes made by Scott and his crew on this, the real-life Terra Nova Expedition.

10. Scott had an aversion toward the use of dogs

Today, dogs are widely recognized as being strong, dependable, and valuable companions on snow expeditions, but a bad experience with on a previous adventure had left Scott wary of their usefulness. He also had a pretty serious macho complex. In a journal entry from a previous expedition to the Antarctic, Scott wrote:

In my mind no journey ever made with dogs can approach the height of that fine conception which is realised when a party of men go forth to face hardships, dangers, and difficulties with their own unaided efforts, and by days and weeks of hard physical labour succeed in solving some problem of the great unknown. Surely in this case the conquest is more nobly and splendidly won.

Needless to say, Scott did not utilize dogs in his expedition to the extent that he almost certainly should have. Amundsen, by comparison, relied entirely on sledge dogs.


La Salle Expedition

René Robert Cavelier, Sieur de La Salle, sailed from Rochefort, France, on August 1, 1684, to seek the mouth of the Mississippi River by sea. This new voyage of four ships and more than 300 people at the start was a follow-up to La Salle's 1682 exploration of the Mississippi from the mouth of the Illinois River to the Gulf of Mexico. Having first departed from La Rochelle on July 24, the fleet was forced to make port at Rochefort for repairs to the Royal Navy escort vessel Joly. With Spain and France at war, La Salle planned to establish a colony sixty leagues up the river as a base for striking Mexico, afflicting Spanish shipping, and blocking English expansion, while providing a warmwater port for the Mississippi valley fur trade. He planned to settle near the Taensa Indians, whose villages lined Lake St. Joseph in Tensas Parish, Louisiana. The war with Spain ended two weeks after La Salle sailed. The word did not overtake him during his pause at Petit Goâve (Haiti), and he proceeded into the Gulf&mdashhistorically an exclusively Spanish sea&mdashbelieving that the war was still on.

From the start the expedition was plagued by misfortune, including dissension among the leaders, loss of the ketch Saint François to Spanish privateers, defections, and, finally, La Salle's failure to find the Mississippi. After putting soldiers ashore to reconnoiter the Texas coast at Cedar Bayou, he landed the colonists at Matagorda Bay, which he deemed the "western mouth of the Colbert River," on February 20, 1685. After the storeship Aimable was lost in Pass Cavallo at the mouth of the bay, her crew and several disenchanted colonists, including the engineer Minet, returned to France with the naval vessel Joly. By the time a temporary fort was built on the eastern end of Matagorda Island, a series of other misfortunes had reduced the number of colonists to 180. As the work of building a more permanent settlement progressed, many succumbed to overwork, malnutrition, and Indians, or became lost in the wilderness. In late winter 1686 the bark Belle, the only remaining ship, was wrecked on Matagorda Peninsula during a squall.

As La Salle's Texas settlement rose on Garcitas Creek in what is now Victoria County, La Salle set out to explore the surrounding country. He was absent from the settlement from October 1685 to March 1686, and there is evidence that he traveled far to the west, reaching the Rio Grande and ascending it as far as the site of present-day Langtry. At last realizing that the bay he was on lay west of the Mississippi, he made two easterly marches, to the Hasinai, or Tejas, Indians, hoping to find the river and proceed to his Fort St. Louis of the Illinois. On the second of these he was slain in an ambush by a disenchanted follower, Pierre Duhaut, six leagues from one of the Hasinai villages, on March 19, 1687. The bloodletting, already begun in a hunting camp, claimed the lives of seven others.

Six of the seventeen who had left the settlement site with La Salle continued to Canada and, eventually, France. Among them were La Salle's brother, Abbé Jean Cavelier, Anastase Douay, un Henri Joutel, each of whom later wrote of the expedition. Six other Frenchmen, including two deserters who had reappeared, remained among the East Texas Indians.

At his settlement site La Salle had left hardly more than twenty persons, with the crippled Gabriel Minime, Sieur de Barbier, in charge. They consisted of women and children, the physically handicapped, and those who for one reason or another had incurred La Salle's disfavor. Jean Baptiste Talon, who provides the only eyewitness account, relates that after La Salle's departure peace was made with the Karankawas, whose enmity the leader had incurred at the outset the Indians, learning of La Salle's death and the disunity among the French, attacked the settlement by surprise around Christmas 1688, sparing only the children. Madame Barbier and her babe at breast&mdashthe first White child of record born in Texas&mdashwere saved temporarily by the Indian women, only to be slain when the men returned from the massacre. The women succeeded in saving four Talon children and Eustace Bréman, the paymaster's son, who were adopted into the tribe.

The Spaniards, having learned of the French intrusion from captured pirates who turned out to be defectors from La Salle, sought the French colony with five sea voyages and six land marches. On April 4, 1687, pilots of the voyage of Martín de Rivas un Pedro de Iriarte came upon the wreckage of the bark Belle on Matagorda Peninsula. Fragments of the storeship Aimable were found in Cavallo Pass, where she had grounded, and along the coast. The ruined settlement site was discovered on April 22, 1689, by Alonso De León, who had led a march from San Francisco de Coahuila, now Monclova. Two Frenchmen living among the Hasinais, Jean l'Archevêque un Jacques Grollet, gave themselves up. The following year, when De León returned with Franciscans to establish the mission San Francisco de los Tejas, he captured Pierre Meunier and Pierre Talon, also from among the Hasinais, and Talon informed him that among the Karankawas were his three younger brothers and one sister, whom De León went to rescue. Jean Baptiste and Bréman remained to be rescued by the 1691 expedition of Terán de los Ríos. The children were taken to Mexico to live as servants in the house of the viceroy Conde de Galve. Also taken from the Karankawas to be imprisoned in San Juan de Ulúa's dungeon, according to the Talons, was an Italian who, strangely, is not mentioned in any of the Spanish accounts.

A lingering question pertaining to La Salle's Texas expedition concerns the reasons for his misplaced landing. Documents that became available to researchers only in the 1980s, taken with others that have not been well understood, shed new light on the matter. La Salle, facing a largely unexplored continent, formed his own hypothesis during his exploration of the Mississippi in 1683, then acted on it as though it were dead certainty. His observations of the river were at sharp variance with maps of the period. With his compass broken and his astrolabe giving erroneous latitudes, as Minet reveals, he oriented himself by the sun, which was often obscured by clouds or fog. The bay, called Espíritu Santo on virtually every map, was not found at the river mouth, and the river in its lower reaches did not flow south as the maps showed but east or southeast. The latitude La Salle recorded at the river mouth was 28°20', almost a degree in error. He therefore concluded that he had discovered another river, distinct from Hernando De Soto's río grande (redzēt MOSCOSO EXPEDITION), or Chucagoa, and Alonso Álvarez de Pineda's Río del Espíritu Santo. "The course of the Mississippi River during the last 100 leagues," he observed, "is exactly that of the Escondido. we were in another river than the Chucagoa, from which [De Soto's] Spaniards took such a long time to reach Mexico." The Río Escondido first appeared on maps in the mid-sixteenth century as entering the Gulf at its western end. Its latitude corresponded with the one La Salle had taken at the mouth of the Mississippi. "If all the maps are not worthless," he concluded, "the mouth of the River Colbert is near Mexico. this Escondido assuredly is the Mississippi."

Accounts of both Henri de Tonti un Father Zénobe Membré attest La Salle's belief that he was on the Escondido, which the maps located about where the Nueces is. Minet's journal of the subsequent voyage to the Gulf recounts La Salle's remarks to the effect that his intended destination lay in 28°20' latitude, "at the very end of the Gulf"&mdashexactly the point to which he sailed. It seems clear, therefore, that La Salle's misplaced landing was due neither to navigational error nor to a secret design to place himself nearer Mexico, but rather to his lack of geographical understanding.

The La Salle expedition, as the first real European penetration of the Texas-Louisiana Gulf shore since Narváez and De Soto, had far-reaching results. Primarily, it shifted the focus of Spanish interest from western Texas&mdashwhere Juan Domínguez de Mendoza un Fray Nicolás López had urged missions for the Edwards Plateau region&mdashto eastern. Underscoring the Spaniards' own geographical ignorance, it brought a rebirth of Spanish exploration of the northern Gulf shore, which had faltered for almost a century, and advanced the timetable for occupation. Additionally, it established in the minds of the French a claim to Texas that refused to die thenceforth, until the French were eliminated from colonial rivalry, virtually every Spanish move in Texas and the borderlands came as a reaction to a French threat, real or imagined. La Salle's entry also gave the United States leverage, tenuous though it was, to claim Texas as part of the 1803 Louisiana Purchase and gave rise to a protracted border dispute between the United States and Spain that was settled only with the Adams-Onís treaty of 1819.

Survivors of La Salle's abortive colony, few as they were, played vital roles in later exploration and settlement of the South and Southwest. L'Archevêque, Grollet, and Meunier, whom the Spaniards denied leave to return to France, joined Diego de Vargas in the resettlement of New Mexico in the 1690s. Father Anastase Douay served as chaplain for the Sieur d'Iberville's first voyage to Louisiana in 1699. Henri Joutel, spurning an opportunity to go with Iberville, sent his journal instead. Pierre and Jean Baptiste Talon, repatriated when the Spanish ship on which they were serving was captured by a French vessel in 1697, joined Louis Juchereau de St. Denis's company and sailed with Iberville on his second voyage. In 1714 Pierre and another brother, Robert, served as guides and interpreters for St. Denis on his storied trek across Texas to San Juan Bautista on the Rio Grande. Robert later settled in Mobile. As late as 1717 rumors were heard that members of La Salle's colony who had been spared in the Fort St. Louis massacre were still living among the Indians.

Isaac Joslin Cox, ed., The Journeys of René Robert Cavelier, Sieur de La Salle (2 vols., New York: Barnes, 1905 2d ed., New York: Allerton, 1922). Pierre Margry, ed., Découvertes et établissements des Français dans l'ouest et dans le sud de l'Amérique septentrionale, 1614&ndash1754 (6 vols., Paris: Jouast, 1876&ndash86). Francis Parkman, The Discovery of the Great West (London: Murray, 1869 new ed., La Salle and the Discovery of the Great West, New York: New American Library, 1963). Robert S. Weddle et al., eds., La Salle, the Mississippi, and the Gulf: Three Primary Documents (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1987). Peter H. Wood, "La Salle: Discovery of a Lost Explorer," American Historical Review 89 (April 1984).


Hunter-Dunbar Expedition

The Hunter-Dunbar expedition was one of only four ventures into the Louisiana Purchase commissioned by Thomas Jefferson. Between 1804 and 1807, President Jefferson sent Lewis and Clark into the northern regions of the Purchase Zebulon Pike into the Rocky Mountains, the southwestern areas, and two smaller forays Thomas Freeman and Peter Custis along the Red River and William Dunbar and Dr. George Hunter to explore the “Washita” River and “the hot springs” in what is now Arkansas and Louisiana.

While the Ouachita River expedition was not as vast as and did not provide the expanse of geographic and environmental information collected by Lewis and Clark’s Corps of Discovery, the exploration of Dunbar and Hunter remains significant for several reasons. It provided Americans with the first scientific study of the varied landscapes as well as the animal and plant life of early southern Arkansas and northern Louisiana. In fact, the expedition resulted in arguably the most purely scientific collection of data among all of the Louisiana Purchase explorations.

The explorers described an extremely active and vibrant interaction between the European and the Native American population. Hunter and Dunbar also reported many encounters with European trappers, hunters, planters, and settlers as well as fellow river travelers plying the waters of the Red, Black and Ouachita rivers. Their copious notes also portray a region in which these European and Indian inhabitants harvested the abundant natural resources along the rivers and in the lands beyond.

The reports from both men show that the hot springs had become an important site for people seeking relief from ailments and infirmities. The expedition met several individuals who had either been to the springs or were on their way to bathe in its waters. When the explorers arrived at the hot springs, they found evidence that people had lived there for periods of time to take advantage of the location’s medicinal virtues. A cabin and several small shacks had been built by people coming to the springs. The explorers used these dwellings during their visit.

Because this trip ended well before Lewis and Clark’s, the journals of Dunbar and Hunter became the first reports to Jefferson describing the landscapes and people within the new territory. Through the detailed notes kept by each man, the Jefferson administration received an accurate depiction of the area’s varied resources. Their daily journal entries became the first description in English of the Ouachita River region in Arkansas and Louisiana.

The Explorers
Dunbar was born to an aristocratic family in Elgin, Morayshire, Scotland in 1749. He later studied astronomy and mathematics in Glasgow and London, which ignited a life-long interest in all areas of science and discovery. At the age of twenty-two, he traveled to Philadelphia, where he engaged in trade with the Indians of the Ohio River valley. He settled near Natchez, Mississippi, where he built a large cottage known as “The Forest” in an area nine miles south of Natchez called Second Creek.

By 1803, Jefferson and Dunbar had become well acquainted through correspondence. Dunbar became the key figure for Jefferson in his various discussions and plans to explore the southern Louisiana Purchase from 1804 to 1807. The president relied on Dunbar’s advice and his propensity for getting things done in the frontier of the southern Mississippi Valley.

Jefferson not only asked the prominent Natchez resident to lead an expedition into the Louisiana Purchase, he also informed him that he had assigned another Scottish immigrant, George Hunter, a chemist and druggist residing in Philadelphia, who had explored areas of the Ohio and Indiana back country, as his “fellow labourer and counsellor” for what became known as the Grand Expedition. For Dunbar, Hunter, and Jefferson, the proposed Grand Expedition would be a trip along both the Red and Arkansas rivers. Such a trip, if conducted, would rival the breadth of the one being planned by Lewis and Clark along the Missouri River.

A Postponed Trip
Following an appropriation of $3,000 by Congress, preparation began in earnest. During the initial planning stages, however, both Jefferson and Dunbar became worried about the warring activities of certain Osage Indians in what would become Arkansas and Oklahoma. A group led by a chief called Great Track had broken away from the main tribe. Because of his concerns for the safety and success of the expedition, Jefferson wrote to Dunbar that he was afraid that the Osage would hinder their travel along the Arkansas River “and perhaps do worse.” Both Jefferson and Dunbar also had apprehensions over possible Spanish resistance above the Bayou Pierre in northwestern Louisiana and northeastern Texas.

In June 1804, Dunbar wrote to Jefferson asking for permission to attempt what both men initially considered a trial run up a tributary of the Red River, a smaller stream called the “Washita.” Dunbar wrote to Jefferson on August 17, 1804, that there were many “curiosities” along the Ouachita River, and in particular he referred to a location he named “the boiling springs”—the present-day Hot Springs National Park.

The Ouachita River Expedition
Jefferson agreed to the change in plans, and after several months of planning and preparations by both men, the group departed from St. Catherine’s Landing on the east bank of the Mississippi River on October 16, 1804. The team consisted of thirteen enlisted soldiers, Hunter’s teenage son, two of Dunbar’s slaves, and one of his servants. The nineteen men occupied a strange-looking “Chinese-style vessel” that had been designed by Hunter in Pittsburgh several months earlier. The boat proved unsuitable for inland river travel, as its draft was far too deep. As Dunbar and Hunter ascended the Red, Black and Ouachita rivers, the journals of both men became replete with descriptions of soil types, water levels, flora, fauna, and daily astronomical and thermometer readings. To construct the most accurate map possible, William Dunbar used a pocket chronometer and an instrument called a circle of reflection—an instrument usually set on a tripod used to calculate latitude using the horizon and a star or planet. Dunbar also successfully used a surveying compass and an artificial horizon. In addition to the scientific recordings, their journals document the daily human drama of their adventure and the toil of the soldiers as they hauled, polled, and rowed the vessel against the currents.

On November 6, after great difficulty in traversing the river in Hunter’s vessel, the group reached the site of Fort Miro, also called Ouachita Post (modern-day Monroe, Louisiana). The fort, first established by the French around 1784, had been turned over to American control only seven months before, in April 1804. The new American commander of the site, Lieutenant Joseph Bowmar, treated the explorers to what hospitality he could muster in the primitive surroundings, allowing the crew to receive some much deserved rest from the rigors of the first two hundred miles.

At the fort, Dunbar secured a large flatboat with a cabin on deck and hired an experienced guide named Samuel Blazier. The new guide’s familiarity with the area may be the reason both men where able to name many of the sites above Fort Miro. As they crossed into modern-day Arkansas on November 15, 1804, the landscape began to change from mainly pine forests to bottom lands mixed with various hardwoods.

When the team neared Ecore a Fabri, modern-day Camden (Ouachita County), the former site of a French settlement, two significant events occurred. First, the explorers found a tree with curious Indian hieroglyphs carved onto its trunk. The carvings portrayed two men holding hands and may have been the site of trade between Europeans and Native Americans. Second, on November 22, as Hunter cleaned his pistol on the flatboat, the gun discharged. The bullet ripped through his thumb and lacerated two fingers. It continued through the brim of his hat, missing his head by only fractions of an inch. Hunter remained in severe pain and danger of infection for over two weeks. His eyes were burned, and he could not see to record entries in his journals and was little help to the expedition.

Near the current site of Arkadelphia (Clark County), they met a man of Dutch descent named Paltz. The Dutch hunter knew the area well, and he informed the explorers of a salt spring located nearby, as well as other natural features. Paltz told him that he had “resided forty years on the Ouachita and before that on the Arkansas.” Hunter, Paltz, and a small team investigated a “salt pit” and reported it to be of a substantial nature. The chemist conducted specific gravity experiments on the saline water and discovered it to be a high concentration of what he called “marine salt.”

On December 3, 1804, Dunbar and Hunter confronted the greatest potential obstacle to their journey. Near what is today Malvern (Hot Spring County) or Rockport (Hot Spring County), an enormous series of rocky rapids, called “the Chutes” by the two men, stretched almost one mile before them. Dunbar described the formations as looking like “ancient fortifications and castles.” Through strenuous efforts of cordelling, rocking the vessel from side to side, and essentially dragging the flat boat between and over rocks, the team finally traversed the maze of boulders. Dunbar compared the roar made by the Chutes to the sound of a hurricane he had experience in New Orleans in 1779.

Exploring the “Hot Springs”
By December 7, the group had reached the closest point along the Ouachita River to the hot springs, and they camped at the confluence of a creek they identified as Calfait Creek (today Gulpha Creek), also called Ellis Landing. Several men immediately began a nine-mile walk to examine the site. They returned the next afternoon with vivid descriptions of their experiences, stating that they had discovered an empty cabin thought to be used by those coming to bathe in and drink from the purportedhealing waters of the springs.

The following day, Dunbar and Hunter traveled to the springs and began an almost four-week study of the water properties and geological and biological features present. During this time, the explorers decided that there were four principal and two inferior springs in the geologic complex. They measured the water temperature, which averaged between 148 and 150 degrees. Hunter also cataloged the numerous limestone deposits, while Dunbar discovered a cabbage-like plant he called “cabbage raddish of the Washita.” They described small microorganisms living in the hot waters, the recording of which may be the first report of living things in such hostile environments. The explorers sighted swans, deer, and raccoons, as well as more signs of buffalo in the areas around their camp and around the spring complex.

Despite their hypotheses and experiments, both men left without any definitive conclusions concerning the hot water source. Both also took several treks into the surrounding mountains and described the vistas and the creeks and natural features they traversed.

The Return Trip
Following a brief snow storm and the continual drop in daily temperatures, the explorers finally decided to begin the return trip on January 8, 1805. During their descent, the team met a group of (possibly) Quapaw Indians, or as Hunter called them, “Indians who had come from the river Arkansa.” The Indian party was led by a man named Jean LeFevre,who accompanied the expedition to Fort Miro. LeFevre provided Dunbar and Hunter with a wealth of additional knowledge concerning the region, including place names and the name origins, river sources, adjacent regions, and European and Indian relations. After a brief stop at Fort Miro to retrieve Hunter’s boat, the expedition finally arrived in Natchez on January 27, 1805.

During the following weeks, Dunbar and Hunter settled their accounts and began to work on their reports to Jefferson. Dunbar’s journals arrived on the president’s desk more than a year before Lewis and Clark returned from their trip to the northwest. The Dunbar journals and, later, the Hunter journals provided Jefferson his first glimpse into the new territory from a commissioned exploration team.

Legacies
An interview with Hunter appeared in the New Orleans Gazette on February 14, 1805, in which he presented a grandiose view of the Louisiana Purchase. He touted the medical virtues of the hot springs and the vast resources available to settlers. Both men fully expected their time at home would be brief and that the Grand Expedition would be reorganized in 1805 however, the War Department informed Dunbar on May 24 that Hunter would not be part of the next expedition. When Hunter returned to Philadelphia, he found his business affairs in disarray and did not feel he could neglect them again by taking another lengthy journey. Congress also did not appropriate the necessary funds for the Grand Expedition. In 1815, Hunter moved his entire family to New Orleans, where he ran a steam distillery called Hunter’s Mills until his death on February 23, 1823.

After the expedition, Dunbar resumed the daily maintenance of his lands and began to prepare his report to the president. By the time of his death in 1810, he had published twelve papers in the American Philosophical Society’s journal on subjects as varied as natural history, astronomical observations, and Indian sign language.

Jefferson included Dunbar’s and Hunter’s accounts of the Ouachita River expedition in his message to Congress, and in 1806, the details of the journey were published in a work entitled Message from the President of the United States Communicating Discoveries Made in Exploring the Missouri, Red River and Washita.

Dunbar and Hunter were not the first to travel the Ouachita River or to taste the waters of the hot springs, nor were they the first to describe the region in journals or publications. They did succeed in the first scientific mapping and description of the Ouachita River valley. Their journals reveal an active European presence in the region, with numerous small settlements and individual homesteaders, trappers, and traders who had been utilizing the natural resources of the region for decades. The place names that are identified in the two men’s daily entries are also indications of a region well known and used by these same people.

Their voyage did not rival Lewis and Clark’s, but their journey up the Red, Black and Ouachita rivers, along with the explorations and journals of Freeman, Custis, and Zebulon Pike are important accounts that complete the story of Louisiana Purchase exploration.

Lai iegūtu papildinformāciju:
Berry, Trey. “The Expedition of William Dunbar and George Hunter along the Ouachita River, 1804–1805.” Arkanzasa Historical Quarterly 62 (Winter 2003): 386–403.

Berry, Trey, Pam Beasley, and Jeanne Clements, eds. The Forgotten Expedition: The Louisiana Purchase Journals of Dunbar and Hunter, 1804–1805. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2006.

Correspondence between George Hunter, William Dunbar, and Thomas Jefferson. Thomas Jefferson Papers. Library of Congress, Washington DC. Online at https://www.loc.gov/collections/thomas-jefferson-papers/ (accessed July 11, 2018).

DeRosier Jr., Arthur. William Dunbar: Scientific Pioneer of the Old Southwest. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2007.

George Hunter Journals. American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.

McDermott, John Francis. The Western Journals of Dr. George Hunter, 1796–1805. Philadelphia: The American Philosophical Society, 1963.

Milson, Andrew J. Arkansas Travelers: Geographies of Exploration and Perception, 1804–1834. Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 2019.

Rowland, Eron. Life, Letters and Papers of William Dunbar. Jackson: Press of the Mississippi Historical Society, 1930.

William Dunbar Expedition Journal. American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.


American adventurer Colin O’Brady, 33, has beaten off Englishman Louis Rudd, 49, to become the first person to cross Antarctica unsupported and unaided.

Only two other men have attempted the challenge before, both in the past two years. One of the men quit after 52 days, and the other died.

Rudd, a 33-year veteran and current captain of the British Army, has been on previous expeditions to Antarctica, having already skied more than 2,500 miles. In 2016, he led a five-man team of British veterans across the continent.

In October, O’Brady, a newcomer to the polar adventure community, declared his intention to attempt the crossing.

A post shared by Colin O'Brady (@colinobrady) on Nov 16, 2018 at 5:37pm PST

O’Brady is no stranger to overcoming hardship and challenges.

After a near-death accident burned his legs and feet in 2008, he was told he might never walk again. Eighteen months later, he won the amateur division of the Chicago Triathlon and spent the following six years as a professional triathlete, including as a member of Team USA.

He began mountain climbing in 2016 and quickly set the world record for the fastest completion of the Seven Summits, climbing the highest peak on each continent and the related Explorers Grand Slam (Last Degree). During this past summer, he broke the speed record for the 50 High Points Challenge, climbing the highest point in each state in the U.S. in 21 days.

A social-media savvy self-promoter, O’Brady posts daily updates from the Antarctica expedition to his 66,000 Instagram followers.

Both men were in the race are raising funds for charities — Rudd for veterans and O’Brady for children’s health.

The men met for the first time in late October while making preparations for their expeditions in Punta Arenas, Chile. On November 3, a Twin Otter ski plane deposited them a mile apart on the Ronne Ice Shelf, a few miles out from the beginning of the Antarctic continent.

Rudd was in front for the first five days, but on day six, newcomer O’Brady caught up. After the men had a brief chat, Rudd explained he let his competitor pass because he was, “Very keen to maximize the solo experience. and kept about a kilometer apart throughout the day.”

After a long 18-mile day pushing each other, Rudd decided to give up trying to keep O’Brady insight, explaining in his day’s report, “There’s still a long, long way to go and a lot can happen yet, so I’m going to stay focused on my plan. Hopefully, we’ll naturally separate, it’d be better I think to be out here on our own experiencing the solo journey as it should be.”

When Rudd came out of his tent on the morning of the seventh day, he found O’Brady had already left. Rudd reported, “ It’s actually a good thing for both of us—we want to do be doing our own separate solo journeys. Now I can just focus on my expedition, my journey, and kind of do it my way. That’s what I came here for.”